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davepc's Journal - Archives
Posted by davepc in General Discussion (1/22-2007 thru 12/14/2010)
Thu Jan 22nd 2009, 10:01 AM
Ever since the modern suit and tie has become de rigueur attire for heads of state (about the time of Teddy Roosevelt in 1901) Presidents of the United States have worn suits jackets and ties in the oval office.

Of course sometimes working at a desk all day in a suit and tie (especially in the days before air conditioning) can become uncomfortable or restrictive. So men wearing a jacket sometimes take it off. This was an accepted thing.

Early on, most Oval Office photos were set photo op meeting with heads of state or official portraits. Being formal posed photos, they consist of lots of suit jackets. Such as this one of Calvin Coolidge:



One of the first presidents to have his picture taken on a regular basis in the office while at work (as opposed to posing) was FDR. Sometimes, while in the office not interacting with staff or foreign dignitaries...FRD was know to take off his suite jacket.



Here he is giving a Radio Address sometime in the 1930s.

Now this was not particularly common, but not exactly rare. Here he is working with his suit jacket ON.



And so it went through the years. Presidents would wear suit jackets and ties in the Oval Office. Occasionally, they would take it off while at work.

Sometimes they would keep their suit jackets on as their children played at their feet.



Sometimes they would take it off while weighing pressing issues.



And on it went.



Ford, sans suit jacket.



Ford, sans suit!


Then something happened in the late 1970s. Jimmy Carter got elected President. Now president Carter was a man who liked to lead by example. So in the face of yet another energy crunch, Carter suggested people turn down the thermostat and wear sweaters. He started doing it himself to show that if he could do it, anybody could!



Here he is with Joe Biden!

Then along came Ronald Regan. Ronny was looking for any angle to attack Carter. He levied a whole bunch of attacks, on big policy issues and economy to the most trivial things. See, since Jimmy Carter wore a SWEATER in the Oval Office he was some sort of efemminate weak leader. Real Men (tm) wore SUIT JACKETS in the Oval Office as a SIGN OF RESPECT! Real Americans turned the damn thermostat all the way up because thats the AMERICAN WAY OF LIFE (tm).

So once Regan got himself elected he made sure to never go into the Oval Office without suit jacket. This is the start of the Oval Office suit jacket myth.

Outside the Oval Office...sure!



But inside, Jackets ONLY! Even if its an ugly piece of Hugh Hefner lougewear masquerading as a jacket.



The Oval Office was IMPORTANT! St. Ronnie said. And important places required jackets at all times. That was the law of the land.

It was so important Poppy Bush. Kept the "tradition" alive.



Then along game a upstart named Bill Clinton. See, Bill didn't buy into the Regan myth or the Regan tradition.

Mostly he wore a suit jacket and tie in the office.



Sometimes he didn't.



Sometimes he didn't even wear PANTS in the Oval office.



That was a BIG SIN to Republicans. I mean, they wore SUIT JACKETS AND TIES ALWAYS (except for the guys before Regan who didn't). Here was Bill Clinton sometimes not wearing a jacket and sometimes not wearing pants. That was a BIG SCANDLE.

Bush Jr. was going to bring "honor and respect" to the office by wearing a jacket and tie always and barring those who didn't from setting foot inside the sacred walls where St. Ronald has once spent his days not remembering things.



See, suit jackets all around.

Now, Republicans are chirping that like the man who once took off his pants in the Oval Office, the new president ON DAY ONE was spotting sans jacket, flying in the face of "tradition".



Even, of course, if he wears a suit jacket some of the time.



So what started as a cheap shot attack on Jimmy Carter has morphed into part of the Regan myth. And woe be those who thumb their noses at St. Regan. His acolytes will come with much gnashing of teeth about "disrespecting the office" not realising of course its the actions of the man in the office, not his suit jacket that give that office respect...or not.

Read entry | Discuss (23 comments)
Posted by davepc in General Discussion (1/22-2007 thru 12/14/2010)
Mon Sep 08th 2008, 08:33 AM
Gramm-Leach-Bliley Financial Services Modernization Act.

53 Republican Senators plus one Democrat - AYE

44 Democrats no Republicans - NAY

YEAs ---54
Abraham (R-MI)
Allard (R-CO)
Ashcroft (R-MO)
Bennett (R-UT)
Bond (R-MO)
Brownback (R-KS)
Bunning (R-KY)
Burns (R-MT)
Campbell (R-CO)
Chafee, J. (R-RI)
Cochran (R-MS)
Collins (R-ME)
Coverdell (R-GA)
Craig (R-ID)
Crapo (R-ID)
DeWine (R-OH)
Domenici (R-NM)
Enzi (R-WY)
Frist (R-TN)
Gorton (R-WA)
Gramm (R-TX)
Grams (R-MN)
Grassley (R-IA)
Gregg (R-NH)
Hagel (R-NE)
Hatch (R-UT)
Helms (R-NC)
Hollings (D-SC)
Hutchinson (R-AR)
Hutchison (R-TX)
Jeffords (R-VT)
Kyl (R-AZ)
Lott (R-MS)
Lugar (R-IN)
Mack (R-FL)
McCain (R-AZ)
McConnell (R-KY)
Murkowski (R-AK)
Nickles (R-OK)
Roberts (R-KS)
Roth (R-DE)
Santorum (R-PA)
Sessions (R-AL)
Shelby (R-AL)
Smith (R-NH)
Smith (R-OR)
Snowe (R-ME)
Specter (R-PA)
Stevens (R-AK)
Thomas (R-WY)
Thompson (R-TN)
Thurmond (R-SC)
Voinovich (R-OH)
Warner (R-VA)

NAYs ---44
Akaka (D-HI)
Baucus (D-MT)
Bayh (D-IN)
Biden (D-DE)
Bingaman (D-NM)
Boxer (D-CA)
Breaux (D-LA)
Bryan (D-NV)
Byrd (D-WV)
Cleland (D-GA)
Conrad (D-ND)
Daschle (D-SD)
Dodd (D-CT)
Dorgan (D-ND)
Durbin (D-IL)
Edwards (D-NC)
Feingold (D-WI)
Feinstein (D-CA)
Graham (D-FL)
Harkin (D-IA)
Inouye (D-HI)
Johnson (D-SD)
Kennedy (D-MA)
Kerrey (D-NE)
Kerry (D-MA)
Kohl (D-WI)
Landrieu (D-LA)
Lautenberg (D-NJ)
Leahy (D-VT)
Levin (D-MI)
Lieberman (D-CT)
Lincoln (D-AR)
Mikulski (D-MD)
Moynihan (D-NY)
Murray (D-WA)
Reed (D-RI)
Reid (D-NV)
Robb (D-VA)
Rockefeller (D-WV)
Sarbanes (D-MD)
Schumer (D-NY)
Torricelli (D-NJ)
Wellstone (D-MN)
Wyden (D-OR)

Present - 1
Fitzgerald (R-IL)

Not Voting - 1
Inhofe (R-OK)


The Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, also known as the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Financial Services Modernization Act, Pub. L. No. 106-102, 113 Stat. 1338 (November 12, 1999), is an Act of the United States Congress which repealed the Glass-Steagall Act, opening up competition among banks, securities companies and insurance companies. The Glass-Steagall Act prohibited a bank from offering investment, commercial banking, and insurance services.

The Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (GLBA) allowed commercial and investment banks to consolidate. For example, Citibank merged with Travelers Group, an insurance company, and in 1998 formed the conglomerate Citigroup, a corporation combining banking and insurance underwriting services. Other major mergers in the financial sector had already taken place such as the Smith-Barney, Shearson, Primerica and Travelers Insurance Corporation combination in the mid-1990s. This combination, announced in 1993 and finalized in 1994, would have violated the Glass-Steagall Act and the Bank Holding Acts by combining insurance and securities companies, if not for a temporary waiver process <1>. The law was passed to legalize these mergers on a permanent basis. Historically, the combined industry has been known as the financial services industry.

...

Economist Robert Kuttner has criticized the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act as contributing to the 2007 subprime mortgage financial crisis.<6> Economists Robert Ekelund and Mark Thornton have made similar criticisms, arguing that while "in a world regulated by a gold standard, 100% reserve banking, and no FDIC deposit insurance" the Financial Services Modernization Act would have made "perfect sense" as a legitimate act of deregulation, under the present fiat monetary system it "amounts to corporate welfare for financial institutions and a moral hazard that will make taxpayers pay dearly".



http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gramm-Leach-B...


Read entry | Discuss (25 comments)
Posted by davepc in Guns
Mon Jun 23rd 2008, 06:33 AM
http://www.newsobserver.com/917/story/1116...

The private military company Blackwater has found an unusual way to skirt federal laws that prohibit private parties from buying automatic weapons. Blackwater bought 17 Romanian AK-47s and 17 Bushmasters, gave ownership of the guns to the Camden County sheriff and keeps most of the guns at Blackwater's armory in Moyock.
Tiny Camden County -- population 9,271 -- is one of the most peaceful in North Carolina. In the last 10 years, there have been two murders, three robberies and seven rapes reported. The sheriff has just 19 deputies.

Sheriff Tony Perry said his department has never used the 17 AK-47s outside of shooting practice at Blackwater. None of his 19 deputies are qualified to use the AK-47s, Perry said, and his department's need for automatic weapons is "very minimal."

In the summer of 2005, Blackwater CEO Gary Jackson signed two agreements with Maj. Jon Worthington of the Sheriff's Office. Worthington has worked as a firearms instructor for Blackwater.

"Blackwater has financed the purchase of 17 Romanian AK-47 rifles for the Camden County Sheriff's Office for use by Sheriff's Office," the agreement says. "The Camden County Sheriff's Office will have unlimited access to these rifles for training and qualification, and state of emergency use." Worthington and Jackson also signed an agreement for the purchase of 17 Bushmaster XM15 E2S automatic rifles.

...


Maybe I should float this by the local PD. I pay for the gun, keep it on my premisises, but they actually own it and can shoot it "for training".

Think they would go for it?

Read entry | Discuss (18 comments)
Posted by davepc in Latest Breaking News
Sat Mar 24th 2007, 10:20 PM
"...fundamental principle of American law that a government and its agents are under no general duty to provide public services, such as police protection, to any individual citizen." Warren v. District of Columbia, 444 A.2d 1 (D.C. Ct. of Ap., 1981)


See also the decisions in:

* Riss v. City of New York, 22 N.Y.2d 579, 293 NYS2d 897, 240 N.E.2d 860 (N.Y. Ct. of Ap. 1958)
* Keane v. City of Chicago, 98 Ill. App.2d 460, 240 N.E.2d 321 (1968)
* Morgan v. District of Columbia, 468 A.2d 1306 (D.C. Ct. of Ap. 1983)
* Calogrides v. City of Mobile, 475 So.2d 560 (S.Ct. A;a. 1985)
* Morris v. Musser, 478 A.2d 937 (1984)
* Davidson v. City of Westminster, 32 C.3d 197, 185 Cal.Rptr. 252, 649 P.2d 894 (S.Ct. Cal. 1982)
* Chapman v. City of Philadelphia, 434 A.2d 753 (Sup.Ct. Penn. 1981)
* Weutrich v. Delia, 155 N.J. Super 324, 326, 382 A.2d 929, 930 (1978)
* Sapp v. City of Tallahassee, 348 So.2d 363 (Fla.Ct. of Ap. 1977)
* Simpson's Food Fair v. Evansville, 272 N.E. 2d 871 (Ind.Ct. of Ap.)
* Silver v. City of Minneapolis, 170 N.W.2d 206 (S.Ct. Minn. 1969) and
* Bowers v. DeVito, 686 F.2d 61 (7th Cir. 1982).
Read entry | Discuss (0 comments)
Posted by davepc in Guns
Tue Feb 27th 2007, 10:55 AM
http://www.usnews.com/usnews/news/articles...

Packing heat on the hill
The NRA is riding high; gun control is a political loser

By Will Sullivan

Posted Sunday, July 9, 2006

Oklahoma Rep. Dan Boren's Washington office features his hunting trophies, including a stuffed wild turkey and a mounted deer head. The freshman congressman's enthusiasm for firearms might always have stood out in the Democratic Party, but Boren now finds himself among an even more endangered species: Democrats willing to discuss guns at all.

"When we as Democrats are trying to reach out and speak to voters in the center of the country, I don't think that we can support gun control," he explains. After seeing Democrats hammered at the polls for voting to regulate guns, many of his colleagues seem to agree. As a result, a number of pro-gun measures moving through Congress will most likely face little opposition, as advocates of gun control increasingly find themselves marginalized and ignored.

Not long ago, it was the gun lobby on the defensive from the passage of the Brady bill in 1993 and the 1994 ban on "assault" weapons. But some say support for gun control cost Democrats the House in 1994, and former President Clinton credited it with Al Gore's 2000 presidential defeat. "It's different than it was in the early '90s. Those were, in retrospect, the glory years," says Paul Helmke, former GOP mayor of Fort Wayne, Ind., who recently took the reins of the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence.


http://www.philly.com/mld/inquirer/1485680...

Gov. Brian Schweitzer won't say exactly how many guns he owns, other than it's "more than I need, but less than I want."

...

Like many Democrats, especially those beyond the nation's big cities and urban coasts, Schweitzer doesn't see gun ownership as a partisan issue.

...

"Republicans try to make the case that 'Democrats will take your guns away.' I say, 'Yeah, Democrats like Giuliani, Pataki and Schwarzenegger,' " Schweitzer said, naming prominent Republicans from New York and California.

...

In a state such as Montana, the gun issue helps color the state red in presidential elections even as voters elect Democrats to state and local offices. In 2004, Montanans voted for President Bush by a ratio of 59 percent to 39 percent, while putting Democrats in control of the governor's mansion and both houses of the Legislature. (In the last 50 years, the only Democratic presidential candidates to carry the state were Bill Clinton in 1992 and Lyndon Johnson in 1964.)



http://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/?ar...


AN ISSUE THAT exemplifies the strengths and weaknesses of the New Democratic approach is gun control. Passionately embraced by soccer moms, it has real political appeal to a target constituency. It is also backed by blacks, whose allegiance the New Democrats need to retain. It offers an answer to violent crime, an issue that brought past generations of left-wing Democrats to grief. Opposition comes from declining rural areas, whose votes New Democratic theorists propose to write off anyway. And, never to be forgotten, it affects only a narrow segment of big business and requires very little in the way of government expenditures.

But the politics of gun control contains hidden pitfalls. It can be argued plausibly that what offends control advocates is the gun owners as much as the guns. The movement is centered, after all, in affluent suburbs where armed criminals are rare. In the wealthy New York, Philadelphia, and Washington suburbs where voters are most exercised by the issue, insider trading is a more common felony than assault with a deadly weapon, and shutting down stockbrokers instead of gun dealers would yield a sharper reduction in the crime rate. What the fervor for gun control does is reinforce social distinctions between these neighborhoods and the more plebeian precincts where guns are common. It's not hard to see why a deer hunter might think it has more to do with snobbery than public safety.

These overtones matter because the numbers still don't add up for the new coalition. The recent Maryland gubernatorial election is a textbook example. Democratic candidate Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, running in a state about as demographically congenial as one could hope, followed the DLC recipe to a T. Her campaign focused heavily on gun control while avoiding any hint of populism. Unable in a state election to run as a foreign policy hawk, she did the next best thing by choosing a Republican admiral as her running mate. The result? Townsend maintained heavy Democratic margins in highly educated inner Washington suburbs, inspired strong support from growing Hispanic and Asian communities, and got a good if not outstanding turnout from black precincts. Her opponent ran well among Baltimore's white working class, ran away with rural areas and outer suburbs, and became Maryland's first Republican governor since Spiro Agnew.



a quick recap of the 2004 election:

21 Electoral Votes in 2004.

North Carolina:

Mike Easley (D) 55.6% -- NRA "A" Rating
Patrick Ballantine (R) 42.9%

Bush 56%
Kerry 44%

West Virgina:

Joe Manchin (D) 63.5% -- NRA "A+" Rating
Monty Warner (R) 34%

Bush 56%
Kerry 43%

Montana:

Brian Schweitzer (D) 50.4% -- NRA "A" Rating
Bob Brown (R) 46%

Bush 59%
Kerry 39%


see the trend? Pro-gun Democrats beat Republicans handily on the same day Bush beat Kerry in those same states by double digit margins.

Kerry's most publicized senate vote, one he came off the campaign trail specifically to cast, was for the (failed) reauthorization of the 1994 assault weapons ban.


Then theres this fun gem from President Clinton's 1995 State of the Union. You know, the one he gave the year after Republicans took control of congress for the 1st time in a generattion...

I don't want to destroy the good atmosphere in the room or in the country tonight, but I have to mention one issue that divided this body greatly last year. The last Congress also passed the Brady Bill and, in the crime bill, the ban on 19 assault weapons. I don't think it's a secret to anybody in this room that several members of the last Congress who voted for that aren't here tonight because they voted for it. And I know, therefore, that some of you who are here because they voted for it are under enormous pressure to repeal it. I just have to tell you how I feel about it.


http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/P/bc42/speeches/...


Gun Control costs Democrats votes. We knew it as far back as late 1994, yet STILL people insist on pushing this FAILED policy.
Read entry | Discuss (0 comments)
Posted by davepc in General Discussion (01/01/06 through 01/22/2007)
Wed Nov 22nd 2006, 12:40 PM
Founded by the Freedom States Alliance

The Freedom States Alliance is changing the way America thinks about guns in order to build and mobilize a grassroots movement. By raising money, organizing supporters, and sponsoring Internet and public education campaigns on behalf of gun violence prevention organizations, the Freedom States Alliance is reframing and redefining public perceptions of the gun issue.

Building a true grassroots movement is the only way the Freedom States Alliance can channel money and resources directly to advocates working in the trenches to turn the tide of the gun violence epidemic. Our new grassroots approach includes creative and aggressive outreach, local and statewide media campaigns, and utilizing the Internet to organize supporters and to raise financial support.

Changing the Way Americans Think About Guns
Before America can enact significant policies to reduce gun violence we must challenge the belief that our citizens are safe in a country flooded with deadly guns; from junk handguns and cop-killing assault weapons to deadly sniper rifles and weapons designed for the battlefield. We have to engage in a dialog about whether Americans can be truly free when gun violence terrorizes our communities, destroys our families, and plagues our nation.


http://www.freedomstatesalliance.com/missi...

(emphasis added)

In other words, they want to make you afraid. Once you're afraid you'll be willing to support their anti-gun legislation, because they'll sell it to you as a way to make you safe.

Right out of the Neo-conservative playbook. TERR-AH TERR-AH TERR-AH. You better be scared from this EVIL MENNANCE that only we can protect you from!


Recipients of the Freedom States Alliance

CeaseFire NJ
www.ceasefirenj.org

Citizens for a Safer Minnesota
www.endgunviolence.com

Hoosiers Concerned About Gun Violence
www.hcgv.org

Illinois Council Against Handgun Violence
www.ichv.org

Iowans for the Prevention of Gun Violence
www.ipgv.org

New England Coalition to Prevent Gun Violence
www.redflagcampaign.net

New Yorkers Against Gun Violence
www.nyagv.org

Ohio Coalition Against Gun Violence
www.ohioceasefire.org

Wisconsin Anti-Violence Effort Educational Fund
www.waveedfund.org




The Freedom States Alliance gets some of its funding via grants from the Joyce Foundation, which among other causes gives money to things like:


2006 Gun Violence Grants

Childrenís Memorial Hospital
Chicago, IL $60,000
To support the continued development and expansion of the Illinois Violent Death Reporting System. (1 yr.)

Childrenís Memorial Hospital
Chicago, IL $41,800
To educate the public, policymakers, and data providers about the importance of the National Violent Death Reporting System. (1 yr.)

International Association of Chiefs of Police
Alexandria, VA $174,788
To expand a Midwest-based advisory group of law enforcement leaders interested in promoting gun violence prevention policies and practices, and to plan a possible regional summit of Midwest law enforcement, elected officials, and other stakeholders on gun violence prevention. (9 mos.)

Mayorís Fund to Advance New York City
New York, NY $175,000
To organize a coalition of mayors from around the country to promote national, state, and local policies, litigation, and law enforcement strategies aimed at reducing the flow of illegal guns into cities. (1 yr.)

National Foundation for the Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, Inc.
Atlanta, GA $168,547
To develop an automated query system for the National Violent Death Reporting System. (2 yrs.)

Violence Policy Center
Washington, DC $700,000
For general support and its continued research, public education, and technical assistance to promote gun policy reform in 2007, particularly in Illinois and Wisconsin. (18 mos.)

2005 Gun Violence Grants

Harvard University
School of Public Health
Boston, MA $700,000
To support the Harvard Injury Control Research Centerís technical assistance to the National Violent Death Reporting System, to conduct policy-relevant firearm research, and to increase its communications capacity. (2 yrs.)

Illinois Council Against Handgun Violence
Chicago, IL $325,000
For continued support of its public, media, and policy-maker education efforts to promote firearm policy reform in Illinois. (1 yr.)

Johns Hopkins University School of Hygiene and Public Health
Baltimore, MD $181,117
To share research findings on strategies for reducing gun violence with Chicago and Milwaukee city officials, law enforcement, advocates, and the media. (2 yrs.)

Legal Community Against Violence
San Francisco, CA $380,000
For general support. (2 yrs.)

Mark Karlin & Associates
Chicago, IL $650,000
To support the continued efforts of its Freedom States Alliance, a project to promote financial self-sufficiency and effective media, public, and policy-maker education efforts among gun violence prevention groups, especially those in Illinois and Wisconsin.
(18 mos.)

National Opinion Research Center
Chicago, IL $39,499
To add a selection of gun-related questions to its 2006 General Social Survey. (2 yrs.)

University of Pennsylvania
Firearm & Injury Center at Penn
Philadelphia, PA $300,000
To develop a national research agenda on firearms, to support and conduct interdisciplinary firearms research, and to help translate research into policy and practice. (18 mos.)

Violence Policy Center
Washington, DC $450,000
To provide research and technical assistance to Midwest-based gun violence prevention advocates. (1 yr.)

WAVE Educational Fund
Milwaukee, WI $250,000
To continue its public, policy-maker, and media education efforts to prevent firearm violence in Wisconsin. (1 yr.)

2004 Gun Violence Grants

Boston University
School of Public Health
Boston, MA $40,000
To support the Join Together Gun Violence Prevention Project. (6 mos.)

Childrenís Memorial Hospital
Chicago, IL $100,000
For its Child Health Data Lab to support the development and implementation of the Illinois Violent Death Reporting System and the stateís reapplication for federal funding next year. (1 yr.)

Citizens for a Safer Minnesota Education Fund
St. Paul, MN $90,000
To support its efforts to change cultural attitudes and norms in support of firearms policies that protect children and promote public health, and to expand the organizationís membership and funding base. (1 yr.)

Citizens for a Safer Minnesota Education Fund
St. Paul, MN $32,000
To support gun violence prevention policies in Minnesota. (6 mos.)

Consumer Federation of America
Washington, DC $75,000
To educate the public and policy makers about the public health and safety impact of failing to regulate guns, particularly assault weapons, as consumer products. (9 mos.)

Entertainment Industries Council, Inc.
Reston, VA $125,000
To work with the entertainment community to accurately and responsibly address gun violence on television. (18 mos.)

Fenton Communications
New York, NY $175,000
To provide communications and public relations support to promote the expansion of the National Violent Death Reporting System across all 50 states with particular focus on promoting its expansion into midwestern states including Indiana, Ohio, and Iowa.
(2 yrs.)

Handgun-Free America
Arlington, VA $35,000
To coordinate and support efforts on college campuses to educate students, the public, and policy makers about the dangers of civilian access to assault weapons. (1 yr.)

Illinois Council Against Handgun Violence
Chicago, IL $300,000
To create a new network of state-based gun violence prevention groups. (1 yr.)

Illinois Council Against Handgun Violence
Chicago, IL $400,000
To educate the public about the risks of guns in the home and to enhance its media and communications presence (including on the Internet), its statewide organizing, and coalition building, and its funding and membership base. (1 yr.)

Indiana University
Department of Pediatrics
Indianapolis, IN $150,000
To develop a statewide firearm death and injury data collection system and to position the state to apply for National Violent Death Reporting System funding. (1 yr.)

Indiana University
Department of Pediatrics
Indianapolis, IN $40,000
To support the Indiana Partnership to Prevent Gun Violence. (1 yr.)

Iowans for the Prevention of Gun Violence
Cedar Rapids, IA $250,000
For its work at the state and national level to promote public health strategies to prevent gun-related deaths and injuries. (2 yrs.)

Legal Community Against Violence
San Francisco, CA $125,000
To provide legal assistance to state and local policy makers and advocates working on gun violence prevention measures and to launch a national membership program for lawyers. (18 mos.)

Ohio Coalition Against Gun Violence
Toledo, OH $200,000
For continued support of its efforts as a statewide resource on gun violence prevention, and to build its organizational funding and membership base. (2 yrs.)


Ohio State University Foundation
John Glenn Institute for Public Service & Public Policy
Columbus, OH $125,000
To host a symposium at Stanford Law School on the connections between the Second Amendment and the Fourteenth Amendment, to publish papers in a major law review, and disseminate findings via the Web. (2 yrs.)

PAX
New York, NY $200,000
To pilot and evaluate the Asking Saves Kids Campaignís impact on public knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors related to gun ownership and accessibility in Rockford and Joliet, Illinois. (2 yrs.)

Physicians for Social Responsibility
Washington, DC $100,000
To train, expand, and mobilize its membership around firearm injury prevention with a particular focus on assault weapons and on the nexus between firearms and domestic violence. (1 yr.)

University of California-Los Angeles
School of Public Health
Los Angeles, CA $250,000
To study the impact of Californiaís effortto implement firearm prohibitions that were part of the 1994 federal Violence Against Women Act. (2 yrs.)

University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, PA $200,000
To support its Firearm Injury Centerís research and dissemination activities. (18 mos.)

Violence Policy Center
Washington, DC $500,000
To provide research and technical assistance to Midwest-based gun violence prevention advocates. (1 yr.)

WAVE Educational Fund
Milwaukee, WI $250,000
To educate the public about the risks of guns in the home and to enhance its media and communications presence (including on the Internet), its statewide organizing, and coalition building, and its funding and membership base. (1 yr.)

WAVE Educational Fund
Milwaukee, WI $40,000
To support a coalition to reduce gun violence in Wisconsin. (6 mos.)



2003 Gun Violence Grants

Handgun Epidemic Lowering Plan (HELP) Network
Chicago, IL $120,000
To promote the expansion of the National Violent Death Reporting System and to help promote physician education and advocacy by defining a medical standard of care for gun violence prevention. (2 yrs.)

Harvard University
School of Public Health
Boston, MA $80,000
To conduct a national survey on gun ownership, storage trends, and attitudes regarding public health-oriented gun policy options. (1 yr.)

Mark Karlin & Associates
Chicago, IL $185,000
To help raise the media presence and capacity of Midwest gun violence prevention groups. (18 mos.)

New York Academy of Medicine
New York, NY $100,000
For its program Doctors Against Handgun Injury supporting a coalition of national medical societies to promote public health-oriented gun policies and practices. (2 yrs.)

Ohio Coalition Against Gun Violence
Toledo, OH $150,000
For general support, including state and federal policy advocacy to prevent gun violence. (21 mos.)

Violence Policy Center
Washington, DC $500,000
To support its research, communication, advocacy, and outreach efforts promoting public health-oriented gun policy. (1 yr.)

WAVE Educational Fund
Milwaukee, WI $100,000
To promote public health-oriented gun policy in Wisconsin and nationally. (2 yrs.)

2002 Gun Violence Grants

Boston University, School of Public Health
Boston, MA $200,000
To support the Join Together Gun Violence Prevention Project, including its gun violence prevention website and on-line suite of services, and the provision of technical assistance to individuals and organizations interested in gun violence prevention. (2 yrs.)

Citizens for a Safer Minnesota Education Fund
St. Paul, MN $200,000
To support efforts to educate the public and policy makers about the need for gun violence prevention policies in Minnesota and to work toward their implementation. (27 mos.)

Consumer Federation of America Foundation
Washington, DC $400,000
To advocate for the treatment and regulation of guns as consumer products. (2 yrs.)

Illinois Council Against Handgun Violence
Chicago, IL $375,000
For continued support of the OnTarget Coalition, a network of organizations working to address gun violence as a public health issue in Illinois. (2 yrs.)

Indiana University
Department of Pediatrics
Indianapolis, IN $250,000
To support the Indiana Partnership to Prevent Firearm Violence, a project of Indiana University, for the development and implementation of the Indiana Firearm Injury and Fatality Reporting System. (2 yrs.)

Iowans for the Prevention of Gun Violence
Cedar Rapids, IA $250,000
To support efforts at the state and national level to promote public health policies to prevent gun related deaths and injuries. (21 mos.)

Mark Karlin & Associates
Chicago, IL $192,000
For publication of research results on gun violence. (2 yrs.)

Ohio State University Foundation
Department of History
Columbus, OH $399,967
For the creation of a comprehensive Second Amendment Research Center. (2 yrs.)

Physicians for Social Responsibility
Washington, DC $150,000
To support efforts aimed at organizing the medical and public health communities to educate their patients and policy makers about the dangers of keeping firearms in the home and the policies and practices that would reduce gun-related death and injury. (2 yrs.)

Violence Policy Center
Washington, DC $800,000
To support research, public education, communication, and advocacy efforts promoting public health oriented gun violence prevention policies. (18 mos.)



2001 Gun Violence Grants

Children's Memorial Foundation
Chicago, IL $150,000
For continued support of the Handgun Epidemic Lowering Plan (HELP) Network in promoting a public health approach to the epidemic levels of handgun-related death and injury. (2 yrs.)

Communication Works
San Francisco, California $300,000
To develop and execute a communications project entitled "From Raw Data to Injury Prevention: Building the Communications Pipeline," which provides media support to the Joyce-funded National Firearm Injury Statistics System. (2 yrs.)

Harvard University
School of Public Health
Boston, MA $425,000
To support the National Firearm Injury Statistics System in stimulating the establishment of a National Violent Death Reporting System. (2 yrs.)

Johns Hopkins University
School of Hygiene and Public Health
Baltimore, Maryland $600,000
For continued support of the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research. (2 yrs.)

Legal Community Against Violence
San Francisco, California $150,000
To provide legal guidance to local and state officials, activists, and others seeking to enact, and defend in court, sound public health regulations of firearms. (2 yrs.)

National Academy of Sciences
National Research Council
Washington, DC $109,000
To improve research information and data on firearms. (2 yrs.)

National Association of State-Based
Child Advocacy Organizations
Washington, DC $733,249
To launch a three-year project called "Child Safe," designed to reduce the incidence of gun-related deaths and injuries suffered by children and their families. (3 yrs.)

Physicians for Social Responsibility
Washington, DC $100,000
To launch the public education and mobilization campaign, Faces of Firearms. (1 yr.)

Toledo Ecumenical Area Ministries
Toledo Metropolitan Mission
Toledo, Ohio $250,000
For continued support to the Ohio Coalition Against Gun Violence. (2 yrs.)

Uhlich Children's Home
Chicago, Illinois $50,000
To support the Hands Without Guns Program, a public health and education campaign designed to inform youth, influence peer behavior, and change public policy. (1 yr.)

University of California-Davis
Violence Prevention Research Program
Sacramento, CA $125,000
For general support and research. (18 mos.)

University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania $1,200,000
To strengthen the Firearm Injury Center and to expand the Medical Professionals as Advocates Program. (3 yrs.)

2000 Gun Violence Grants

Alliance for Justice, Inc.
Washington, DC $300,000
To support a focus on public policies to prevent gun violence in its First Monday Program, which mobilizes college, graduate, and law students to become informed advocates in a critical public policy issue. (2 yrs.)

Boston University School of Public Health
Boston, MA $358,378
To enable its Join Together organization to maintain and expand its gun violence prevention website and related services. (2 yrs)

Citizens for a Safer Minnesota Education Fund
St. Paul, Minnesota $300,000
To create the Gun Violence Organizing Project, a state-local partnership to step up the level of policy advocacy around gun violence prevention in Minnesota. (2 yrs.)

Communication Works, Inc.
San Francisco, California $560,122
To develop and implement communications strategies for promoting a public health-oriented gun policy of comprehensive health and safety regulation of the industry. (3 yrs.)

Duke University
Office of Research Support
Durham, North Carolina $339,133
For a study of how community gun ownership rates and gun-related policies affect the public health and safety within the community. (2 yrs.)

Entertainment Industries Council, Inc.
Reston, Virginia $28,890
For a planning grant to initiate broad-scale research into the media's influence on the public's perception of firearms, in order to determine the most effective courses of action to encourage accurate and responsible firearms depiction in the entertainment media. (6 mos.)

Harvard University School of Public Health
Boston, MA $325,000
To support young scholars working on firearm injury prevention research and the dissemination of findings. (3 yrs)

Iowans for the Prevention of Gun Violence
Cedar Rapids, IA $250,000
To coordinate efforts working with state and voluntary agencies to reduce firearms deaths and injuries in Iowa, with a particular emphasis on gun suicide. (2 yrs)

Loyola University
Department of Sociology and Anthropology
Chicago, Illinois $44,261
For a study on illegal handgun distribution and availability in Chicago neighborhoods and their relationship to violent crime. (1 yr.)

Minnesota Institute of Public Health
Anoka, MN $296,594
For continuation of its efforts to reduce gun injuries and deaths in Minnesota, particularly focusing on the collection of gun violence data, state level legislation, and local policy development. (2 yrs)

National Association of State-Based Child Advocacy Organizations
Washington, DC $49,540
To launch the New Voices Initiative in 2001, intended to bring the voice of child advocates to the gun violence prevention arena. (9 mos)

National Opinion Research Center
Chicago, Illinois $197,661
For a supplement to the fifth annual survey of public attitudes on gun policy issues focusing on gun carrying. (1 yr.)

New York Academy of Medicine
New York, New York $750,000
For Doctors Against Handgun Injury (DAHI), a new coalition of learned medical societies and organizations dedicated to mobilizing the influence, authority, and clinical expertise of physicians to reduce handgun injury. (3 yrs.)

Physicians for Social Responsibility
Washington, DC $150,000
To involve medical and public health students and professionals in policy advocacy activities associated with the Alliance for Justice First Monday Program on Gun Violence in America. (1 yr.)

Toledo Ecumenical Area Ministries
Toledo Metropolitan Mission
Toledo, Ohio $33,200
To strengthen operations of the Ohio Coalition Against Gun Violence. (1 yr.)

University of California-Los Angeles, School of Public Health
Los Angeles, CA $132,787
To analyze and disseminate findings from the largest and most in-depth survey to date of access to, and use of, firearms among adolescents. (2 yrs)

Violence Policy Center
Washington, DC $1,000,000
To support its efforts to promote public health-oriented gun policy through research, public education, coalition building, and advocacy. (2 yrs)

Wisconsin Anti-Violence Effort (WAVE) Educational Fund
Milwaukee, Wisconsin $506,414
To develop and coordinate the policy-oriented activities of a multi-disciplinary coalition to reduce gun violence in Wisconsin. (3 yrs.)


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