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Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Mon Jun 18th 2007, 06:32 PM
The numerous violations of our First Amendment rights depicted in this post would constitute impeachable offenses of the first magnitude; for a democracy cannot long exist without freedom of speech and a free press.
While President Bush likes to project an image of strength and courage, the truth is that in the presence of his large financial contributors and powerful political supporters, he is morally timid – so much so that he seldom if ever says “no” to them on anything – no matter what the public interest might mandate. – Al Gore, explaining the many ways in which biased television news coverage has distorted Americans’ view of reality


Most people – and most Americans as well – are basically decent, but lack the courage, energy or opportunity to right the great many wrongs in our world. They have a basic sense of fairness and justice, yet when their country turns away from justice or commits atrocities in their name, rather than strenuously object to those atrocities they turn a blind eye and allow themselves to believe that nothing is wrong. Thus explains the acquiescence of the German people to the Nazi Holocaust committed in their name. And thus explains the acquiescence of too many Americans to the imperialist ambitions of the Bush/Cheney administration with respect to the abuse and torture of their prisoners, their invasion and occupation of Iraq, their plans for war with Iran and who knows what else. In both of those cases a small group of excessively ambitious and ruthless men convinced enough of their fellow countrymen of the necessity of their disastrous schemes to secure their help and acquiescence in carrying them out.

Many of our Founding Fathers, being well versed in world history, recognized the potential for a single or small group of powerful, ambitious and ruthless men to enlist the help of others in carrying out their imperial ambitions. To prevent that from happening they created a Constitution (albeit flawed in many ways) that contained numerous mechanisms meant to serve as a check on such ambitions. Paramount among those mechanisms were the concepts of “one-man-one-vote” and our First Amendment guarantees of free speech and freedom of the press.

Those two concepts are inexorably intertwined. Our right to vote means little without our First Amendment rights because it is our First Amendment rights that enable us to gather the information that we need in order to make an enlightened choice in the voting booth.

Our First Amendment – and hence our democracy – is now under vigorous assault by our government, greatly facilitated by the fact that most of the news that Americans receive today is under the control of a very small number of powerful and wealthy individuals and corporations. Because that assault has been largely successful, those powerful and wealthy individuals have obscenely disproportionate influence on our nation’s priorities and policies today, including our military budget and actions.


Al Gore explains how the loss of our First Amendment rights has enabled Bush administration outrages

Al Gore, in his new book, “The Assault on Reason”, explains how the Bush administration has taken advantage of this lack of access to information (after playing a critical role in exacerbating the problem) to perpetrate a series of outrages on the people he was selected to serve:

The perpetrators have clearly assumed that they have little to fear from public outrage and that very few people will learn about their misdeeds.

All of them assume an ignorant public. Bush would not be able credibly to label a bill that increases air pollution “the clear skies initiative” – or call a bill that increases clear-cutting of national forests “the healthy forests initiative” – unless he was confident that the public was never going to know what these bills actually did.

Nor could he appoint Ken Lay from Enron to play such a prominent role in handpicking members to the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) … unless the president felt totally comfortable that no one would pay attention … After members of the FERC were appointed with Mr. Lay’s personal review and approval, Enron went on to bilk the electric ratepayers of California and other states without the inconvenience of federal regulators trying to protect citizens from the company’s criminal behavior.

Likewise, this explains why many of the most important Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) positions have been carefully filled with lawyers and lobbyists representing the worst polluters in their respective industries, ensuring that those polluters are not inconvenienced by the actual enforcement of the laws against excessive pollution …

The private foxes have been placed in charge of the public henhouses. And shockingly, the same pattern has been followed in many other agencies and departments. But there is precious little outrage because there is so little two-way conversations left in our democracy… This behavior could never take place if there were the slightest chance that such institutionalized corruption would be exposed in a public forum that had relevance to the outcome of elections.

Now let’s consider some of the methods that the Bush administration has used to create or perpetuate this grave danger to our democracy, especially with respect to issues of war and peace.


Hiding the excesses of our war in Iraq – the April 2004 attack on Fallujah

The story of the two week April 2004 U.S. assault on the Iraq city of Fallujah, with a population of 350,000, demonstrates the extent to which the Bush administration will go to censor unfavorable reporting of its military actions.

Despite the uniformly positive coverage of the battle by “embedded” American journalists, and the U.S. claim that there were no civilian casualties, coverage by non-embedded journalists depicted a vastly different picture. Al Jazeera journalist Ahmed Mansour and his team reported the following from that battle:

We found children, women, elderly, all lifting white flags and walking, or in their cars leaving the city… When we reached the heart of the city at the hospital, I almost lost my mind from the terror that I saw… I felt like we need a thousand cameras to grab those disastrous picture: fear, terror, planes bombing, ambulances taking the dead people… We were the only team that was able to enter the city…

The planes bombed this house, as they did the whole neighborhood, and they brought the corpses and bodies to the hospital… I could not see anything but a sea of corpses of children and women – mostly children… I was taking photographs and forcing myself to photograph. At the same time I was crying…

In response to the Al Jazeera reporting George Bush first proposed bombing Al Jazeera’s international headquarters, but was dissuaded from doing so. The Guardian reported on how the Bush administration chose to deal with the only non-embedded news organization that made an intense effort to report on the battle:

An Al Jazeera camera man, Salah Hassan, had been arrested In Iraq, held incommunicado in a chicken-coop sized cell and forced to stand hooded, bound and naked for up to 11 hours at a time. He was beaten by U.S. soldiers… Finally, after a month, he was dumped on a street just outside Baghdad, in the same vomit-stained red jumpsuit that he had been detained in. Twenty other Al Jazeera journalists have been arrested and jailed by U.S. forces in Iraq and one, Tariq Ayoub, was killed last April when a U.S. tank fired a shell at the Al Jazeera offices in Baghdad’s Palestine Hotel. It was an accident, the Pentagon said, even though Al Jazeera had given the Pentagon the coordinates of its Baghdad offices…

Amy Goodman and David Goodman further describe the difficulties that journalists face in reporting on the Iraq war, in their book, “Static – Government Liars, Media Cheerleaders, and the People Who Fight Back”:

The Al Jazeera offices in Afghanistan and Basra were bombed by American planes, and two of its correspondents have been imprisoned on unspecified terrorism charges… Al Jazeera’s journalists are not the only ones under siege. The Iraq War has been among the deadliest conflicts ever for journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported that by mid-2006, over 100 journalists and media assistants had been killed in Iraq while doing their jobs. By comparison, 66 journalists lost their lives over the course of the 20-year-long Vietnam conflict. More than half of those killed in Iraq were Iraqi and other Arab journalists. Fifteen journalists have been killed by U.S. fire…

Journalists also risk arrest while reporting on the war in Iraq: In 2005 alone, U.S. forces arrested seven Iraqi journalists “for prolonged periods without charge or the disclosure of any supporting evidence,” according to CPJ. All were eventually released, and no charges were ever filed. CPJ concluded that the Pentagon has “displayed a pattern of disregard when confronted with issues involving the security of Iraqi journalists and citizens.”…

In an extraordinary attack on the press, the U.S. military declared in April 2004 that there could be no peace for Fallujah unless Al Jazeera abandoned the city … In August 2004, the U.S.-backed Iraqi government ordered Al Jazeera’s Baghdad bureau closed.


The role of a free press in the war and peace decisions of nations

As I said at the beginning of this post, most people are basically decent. That is a major reason why a free press can potentially serve a vitally important role in a democracy in persuading a nation’s citizens to reject war, in opposition to the ambitions of that nation’s war-mongering leaders. And that is why the Bush administration has tried so vigorously to censure meaningful coverage of its Iraq war.

Dan Carlin explains the importance of accurate war reporting in general and visual images in particular, to help enable a nation’s citizens to make enlightened decisions regarding war and peace:

Images can end wars…. Like the photo taken after the My Lai massacre, showing dead babies piled half-naked in a dirt road atop their slain mothers and brothers and sisters, or the photo of the Saigon police chief pulling the trigger on a wincing Viet Cong officer, or the image of a little Vietnamese girl running naked, screaming, her clothes burnt off by the horrible, hot blast of a napalm attack.

If Larry Stimeling’s theory is correct – that these images fueled the anti-war movement and helped bring about the end of the Vietnam War…. average citizens, armed with the visual revelation of wasteful atrocities being perpetrated in their names on foreign peoples, and killing American soldiers, mobilized to stop it – and succeeded.


The consequences of censuring coverage of the Iraq War

In contrast, the lack of relevant information provided to the American people hinders the occurrence of a similar phenomenon with respect to the Iraq war. Carlin continues:

But if Vietnam entered the collective American imagination as those brutal snapshots of ravaging bombs, murdered civilians, and American soldiers in body bags – as real, gruesome images of war that demanded outrage and action – the latest American war against Iraq was most notable for its unreality, for its poverty of visual imagery. Where are the pictures? …

There were images collected in Iraq as startling as anything to come out of Vietnam, and as an American – and particularly as one who supported the war – I feel lucky to have seen them at all: most Americans will never even know they exist. Most people following the war in the U.S. through newspapers and on television weren’t shown images of war, but rather visual shorthand for war… Those images, which did exist, were excluded from American coverage for matters of “taste,” and because of government censorship.

There is an enormous blind spot in the American imagination today where the victims of the Iraq war – American, British, and Iraqi alike – should be present… to allow us to weigh the dead in our thoughts on the war and on all future wars…Americans today have no visual relationship with the lives that were lost in Iraq this year, and the collective amnesia… may be fast becoming the status quo.

The mainstream American media decided in the Iraq war (and in the Gulf War before it) that Americans would rather not be exposed to those difficult images of war, that they would prefer to ignore the ugly reality of the sacrifices being made in their names. We could not honor the soldiers who died, because images of their funerals were banned from TV and newspapers. We could not acknowledge the deaths we caused among Iraqis because the media decided that their deaths were beside the point, uninteresting, or too gruesome for us to stomach.

Of course, it is not only the lack of visual images, but the lack of a great deal of information that Americans should know about the Iraq War, including our reasons for being there, that hinders us from responding in a fully effective manner. The overall effect of U.S. government censorship of Iraq War news is to prevent us from being sufficiently informed to make the decisions required of a democracy. Carlin explains:

To stop reacting is to stop exercising the emotions, good or bad, that make us human, and without those emotions there can be no agency whether one of selfish nationalism or willful indifference, or one of universal respect for the dignity of the individual, one that spawns compassion, activism and change. By limiting what we see, news sources limit our ability to feel anger, or sorrow, or indignation – they limit our ability to act. And when the media decide that their audiences don’t need to see something, or don’t want to see it, they strip us of the ability to act ethically.


The many ways in which the Bush/Cheney regime has abridged our First Amendment rights

Thus far I have concentrated on how our First Amendment rights have deteriorated through the Bush/Cheney administration’s efforts to censure coverage of the Iraq War, as well as our corporate news media’s acquiescence or active participation in the censure. But there are many other means by which the Bush administration has abridged our First Amendment rights. Though the demise of our First Amendment rights did not start with George Bush and Dick Cheney, it certainly has accelerated under them:

First Amendment zones
With the onset of the Bush pResidency in 2001 we saw the creation of the concept of “First Amendment zones”, in which American citizens would have their Constitutional rights to free speech protected. The corollary to that is that their Constitutional rights are NOT protected outside of those zones. The American Constitution does not say anything about “zones” in which the Constitution applies. It is supposed to apply throughout the country. And in fact, the very purpose of George Bush’s “First Amendment zones” is to impede the ability of American citizens to have their protests of government heard by other citizens. As such, the first amendment zones should be seen as a clear violation of our Constitutional rights to free speech.

Access to the President
The Bush White House has also established a well publicized policy of denying access to the President for journalists who fall out of favor with the Bush administration. Since the jobs or careers of many journalists depend on having this access, this practice gives those journalists a strong incentive to write stories that cast the pResident in a favorable light, and a strong disincentive to write stories that are unfavorable to the pResident.

That practice also violates our First Amendment rights. The pResident works for us, the people. We have a right to know what he is doing, and that right is definitely abridged if only those journalists who have proven their loyalty to the pResident are allowed access to him – especially in the context of presidential press conferences.

Paid pResidential Pre$$titutes
Another unprecedented practice of the Bush administration is to insert its own reporters (paid by tax payer dollars, by the way, but that’s another issue) into its press conferences or other venues and have those reporters pretend to be real journalists, printing stories as if they constituted real news or independent editorials, when in fact they are nothing but government propaganda.

This again is a violation of our First Amendment rights, including free speech and freedom of the press. The purpose of the press, as previously noted, is to provide citizens with the information they need in order to form opinions. If the United States government arranges to put out government propaganda disguised as news, then citizens will not be able to distinguish between the two, and therefore “news” loses much of its value. And also, it ties up airtime or newspaper space that would otherwise be devoted to real news. Inaccurate reporting about the reasons for our invasion of Iraq was a major factor in creating reasonable acceptance of that invasion among the American electorate.

The criminalization of independent news reporting
The most egregious violation of our First Amendment rights by the Bush Administration has been its attempt to criminalize journalists who report stories that the administration considers unfavorable. As with all tyrannical power grabs, this is done under the guise of “national security”. But since the Bush administration itself allots to itself the power to determine when a journalistic action is criminal, it thereby has the power to send to prison any journalist who writes a story that displeases it. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales has rationalized the right to imprison journalists for providing information to the public that the Bush administration deems to be criminal conduct.


Conclusion

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers goes on:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.

How can we fight this? A very useful starting point is that we must recognize the extent to which our First Amendment rights have been grievously abrogated, as well as the fact that our corporate news media is on not on our side. Recognizing the problem and the enemy is always the first step towards finding a solution. And as soon as we elect a new President we must make it a priority to break the monopoly that our current corporate news media has on deciding what news we will receive.

George Bush and Dick Cheney have committed numerous impeachable offenses, including: lying to the American people and to Congress in order to justify a preemptive war of aggression; the abuse and torture of its prisoners, in violation of international law, our Constitution, and the laws of our land; warrantless spying on hundreds of thousands of Americans, in violation of the Fourth Amendment to our Constitution and our Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA); the use of presidential “signing statements” to nullify over 800 laws duly passed by Congress; the firing of several federal prosecutors in order to promote a partisan political agenda that involved among other things the illegal disenfranchising of hundreds of thousands of American citizens; repeated and willful violations of the Whistleblower Protection Act in order to promote their corrupt political agenda; and many many more. But even without any of that, the numerous violations of our First Amendment rights depicted in this post would constitute impeachable offenses of the first magnitude; for a democracy cannot long exist without freedom of speech and a free press.
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U.S. Democracy in Crisis
The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
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Time for change
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