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Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Wed Nov 07th 2007, 12:40 AM
Some people felt that my talking about the limitations of science was indicative of an anti-science attitude. Nothing could be further from the truth. I have always loved science, but I think it's important for people to appreciate its limitations.
Science is a method for acquiring knowledge that helps us to understand our world and everything in it. That method involves the accumulation of data, followed by statistical and other methods to interpret the data.

By writing an article on the limitations of science, I in no way mean to impugn that method, which has been essential to much of humanity’s progress since the beginning of human civilization. I have worked as a scientist for over 30 years – nearly all my adult life – and I have great respect for the previous accomplishments and future potential of science.

Probably all human beings have a strong tendency – some much more than others, conservatives much more than liberals – to think in terms of black and white, when shades of grey would be much more appropriate. This tendency is fueled by the fact that it is much easier to think in black and white terms than to think in shades of grey. With regard to science, at one extreme there are those who hold it to be infallible and that it always provides the correct answer; at the other extreme are those who, as pointed out in a recent post, believe that science is akin to a dogmatic faith based religion or that most scientists are shills whose main interest is to defend the status quo. The truth is somewhere in between those two extremes.


“Flawed” science and the limitations of experimental and observational science

So many times I have read newspaper articles in which a scientific study was criticized as being “flawed” – as if “flawed” is a black and white concept that means that the study’s conclusions are wrong if the study was “flawed” and right if the study was not “flawed”. The fact of the matter is that almost all scientific studies are flawed in some way, just as almost all human beings are flawed in some way. The question should not be whether or not a scientific study is “flawed”. Rather, the questions should be: “in what way was it flawed?; how much it was flawed?; and how are the answers to those questions likely to affect the stated conclusions?”

There are two types of scientific studies – experimental and observational. You have probably heard that experimental studies are superior to observational studies. That is true to some extent, but it is by no means absolutely true. Observational studies are those where the scientist collects data from observations of events that occur in the real world without any interventions from the scientist. Experimental studies are those where the scientist not only observes the data but influences it by means of experimental intervention. Experimental and observational studies each have their own strengths and weaknesses.

The problem with observational studies is that there are so many things in the real world that can influence outcomes (especially when studying something as complex as human behavior) that it is nearly impossible to account for them all in any single scientific study or to fully and accurately interpret their effects. For example, suppose a scientist wants to study the effects of air pollution on crime rate. It may be relatively easy to accumulate data on crime rate and air pollution and conduct statistical tests to show whether or not they are associated. But showing that they are associated is not sufficient. One must also consider the possibility that any one of numerous other variables, such as income, education, or any number of environmental factors may have been responsible for the apparent association of air pollution with crime.

Experimental studies largely get around that problem by randomly assigning an experimental intervention (for example, such as a drug for the treatment of an illness) to one group and comparing it with a “control group” that didn’t get the intervention, while taking care to ensure that other variables that might have an effect on the outcome are approximately equal in both groups. In that way one can ascertain the effect of the intervention on the outcome.

But experimental studies have their own types of problems. Consider scientific studies concerning global warming, for example. As far as I am aware, all studies on global warming are observational rather than experimental. One major reason for that is that it would be very dangerous and unethical to purposely try to create global warming for the sake of conducting a scientific experiment. But even if such an experiment was conducted, its interpretation would be problematic. What we really want to know about global warming is how it is produced in the real world – outside of the artificial circumstances of an experiment. A scientific experiment on global warming would give us very limited information on that important question.


Science as an art

Probably most non-scientists think of scientific methodology as a rigid and technical set of rules. But in point of fact, just as in art, insight plays an important role, both in the creation of scientific studies and in their interpretation.

The insight that is important to the creation of scientific studies may originate largely from other scientific studies, or it may instead originate solely from one’s personal life experiences and thoughts. One striking example of that is the story of how the chemical structure of benzene was identified largely through the inspiration of a dream. Although most scientific studies originate in a less dramatic fashion, the majority of scientific studies originate from one’s own life experiences and thoughts.

The interpretation of scientific studies, especially observational studies, is hardly ever simply a matter of merely following technical rules to come up with an answer. Rather, one must consider everything s/he knows about the subject and explore many different ways of interpreting the data, weighing the pros and cons of each, in order to best make sense of the data and arrive at a conclusion that is most consistent with it. Just as with the creation of scientific studies, appropriate interpretation of data usually requires one to consider it in the light of one’s intuition and personal experiences with the subject matter.


The problem of established paradigms – regarding the cause of obesity

A paradigm is a set of beliefs that provide a way of viewing reality with respect to a specific subject. Paradigms are useful in science to the extent that they can help in the visualization of reality. However, they can be harmful to the extent that they encourage inflexible or black and white thinking that is not sufficiently consistent with reality. Since scientists are human they sometimes have a tendency to adhere too much to certain paradigms.

When I was in medical school I was taught a very simple paradigm for the cause of obesity: It is caused by eating too many calories or too little physical activity or a combination of those two factors. End of story. It seems intuitive enough. We know that calories are converted into fat and that physical activity burns off calories. So the paradigm seemed obvious.

But I was suspicious of that paradigm because I knew people for whom it didn’t seem to apply. So I researched the medical literature on the subject and found out that the actual facts were very different from and more complicated than what the paradigm said.

The truth of the matter is that obesity is mostly genetically determined: Our hypothalamus acts as a thermostat to control our weight. People who are genetically programmed for obesity or for larger than normal body weight have a thermostat that is programmed at a high level. When they begin to lose weight, their thermostat does two things to bring their weight back up to the weight that they are programmed to: it increases their appetite in proportion to the amount of weight they lose; and it decreases their basal metabolic rate, which means that they burn off less calories than normal people both when they are at rest or when engaging in physical activity. Of course, it is possible that such people can, depending on how high their thermostat is set, and depending on how much will power they have, eat so little that they lose substantial amounts of weight anyhow. But that is extremely difficult, few obese people succeed at it, and those who do succeed usually don’t keep the weight off for very long. Of course my explanation also is an over-simplification of the facts. But it comes a lot closer to reality than did the standard paradigm.

I don’t know if most doctors still buy onto that paradigm. In any event, the question arises as to why doctors would buy into such a pattern when the medical literature on the subject clearly indicated that it wasn’t an accurate representation of reality. As I noted above, false paradigms are sometimes accepted because they seem to make sense and they are easy to believe. People – and even scientists – change their views of reality only with great difficulty. And since the paradigm was widely accepted by the medical profession, scientific articles that contradicted it were not likely to be published in the most widely read and prestigious medical journals, until more recently. But still, there was enough scientific evidence out there to make a clear case for anyone who was skeptical of the prevailing paradigm and who wanted to take the trouble to dig into it.


Intrusion of commercial interest – the effectiveness of acupuncture

The field of medicine is not only a science, but a business as well. Therefore, it shouldn’t be too surprising that business interests play at least some role in determining the prevailing paradigms among medical professionals.

Another paradigm that I was exposed to in medical school involved acupuncture. It was never mentioned in any of my classes until one day one of my fellow students asked about it in class. He was told simply that acupuncture was a quack science. End of story.

Like the obesity paradigm, I eventually became very suspicious of the idea that acupuncture is a quack science. I must admit that I never researched the subject as I did the cause of obesity. However, based on several conversations I had with people who practiced it, I came to believe that acupuncture is not at all a quack science.

My reasons are very simple. Those who told me it is a quack science never explained why they believed that. They simply implied that it is common knowledge that acupuncture is a quack science and that there is something wrong with anyone who believes differently. In contrast, those who have told me that it can be very effective for many different purposes have discussed with me a wide variety of literature that supports their views on that point.


Extra sensory perception (ESP)

ESP is a term that includes a wide range of phenomena that have in common the ability of a person to acquire information by means other than the known physical senses or the use of logic or experience. Many or most people, including many or most scientists, consider ESP to be something akin to magic – in other words, not a real phenomenon.

Nevertheless, I have long believed that ESP is a real phenomenon. Why? I believed in it not because of any scientific evidence I was aware of, but rather because of my profound awe regarding the human mind. And I did not consider my belief in ESP to be in the least bit anti-scientific. The lack of scientific proof that something exists does not by any means mean that it does not exist. The lack of scientific proof could just as well be explained by the fact that science has not looked very hard for it. Since I was aware of no scientific evidence either for or against ESP, in order to have an opinion on it I had to resort to something else. That’s not anti-scientific.

Then a few years ago I read a book that put forth a great deal of extremely convincing scientific evidence that many forms of ESP are indeed real. I don’t remember the name of the book, but here is some evidence on the subject.

Some may disparage the fact that controlled scientific experiments have shown small increases in the rates at which some people are able to ascertain the identify of playing cards that they have not seen at slightly higher rates than would be expected by chance. They might say, so what? What good can that do? What would be much more important would be to show whether people can divine really important things that have the potential to enhance or save lives. They have a good point – but only to a point, because they miss the larger point of these scientifically controlled studies. There may indeed be many people who are much more successful in using ESP powers under conditions that are really important than they are in using them under the conditions of a controlled scientific experiments. But the demonstration of such powers would require an observational study, which would present numerous difficulties if one assumes that the conditions under which ESP has dramatic uses occur very infrequently during the course of ordinary life. If that is the case the methodological difficulties could be enormous. I’m not saying it couldn’t be done – and maybe it has been done (I don’t know if it has). But my guess is that it would require a very large number of subjects, a great amount of time, and an ingenious study design.


Life of the soul after death

This is an issue that would seem almost impervious to scientific study. If the soul does continue to live after death, but it has no further interaction with the living or with the Earth, then it would indeed be completely impervious to scientific study. In order to acquire data the scientific investigator would have to die first. And then he couldn’t communicate the study results to the living. Unless…

Actually, many people have described what is sometimes referred to as “near death experiences”, where they claim that their soul travels to the afterlife and then comes back. I once talked to a fellow physician who claims to have herself experienced such an event. She was a friend of mine, and I found her account somewhat convincing. There are also several books that have been written on the subject, and I have read one of them, though it wasn’t included on this list. The book I read was written by a psychiatrist, and it seemed reasonably convincing to me. It was simply a recounting of many cases that the psychiatrist had witnessed first hand, along with his interpretations. Of course, there are other interpretations that one could put on those accounts.

But the most convincing single account of this phenomenon I ever read was from the autobiography of the psychiatrist, Carl Jung, who has sometimes been referred to as the father of psychiatry. A whole chapter, approximately one tenth of his whole autobiography, was devoted to a single incident in his life where he claims to have ascended to some heaven-like place, was told that a mistake had been made, and was sent back down to Earth, to his great disappointment. After returning to the hospital and regaining consciousness he tried to warn his doctor that his time was coming very soon. However, his doctor refused to discuss it with him and died a couple days later.

Anyhow, I believe in the permanent life of the soul after death. I don’t believe in it so strongly that I don’t have a normal fear and aversion to death. And it could be argued that I believe in it simply because I want to believe in it. I won’t argue that point.

The only point I want to make about this here is that I don’t consider my belief in this to be anti-scientific. Unlike the religious belief that the Earth is four thousand years old, for example (which my fundy nieces believe, which drives me crazy), the life of the human soul after death is something for which little or no scientific evidence exists either way. I can argue (and I do) that the near death experiences described above provide some evidence for it. Others can argue that the fact that a person expresses no emotion after he dies is evidence against it. But if the soul leaves the body after death, then the appearance of the body after death is almost irrelevant to this issue, it seems to me. Anyhow, my reasons for believing in it would make this post too long if I tried to explain it here. The only point I want to make here is that, since science doesn’t answer the question, people have to resort to other means to decide what they believe regarding this issue.


History as science and political science

I’ll finish this post by saying a few words about history as a type of science and about political science, since these subjects are most relevant to most DUers, and since I believe these subjects help make my point about the limitations of science.

History is usually not exactly regarded as a science, although it is often referred to as a “social science”. History and political science have in common with more traditional sciences the fact that they involve the gathering of data with the purpose of helping us to understand ourselves and our relationship to the world in which we live. They are different than the more traditional sciences primarily in that they pose some extremely difficult challenges in the interpretation of data. In that sense they have more in common with the other so-called “social sciences”, which present challenges in the interpretation of data mainly by virtue of the extremely complex nature of human thought and behavior.

I have often pointed out similarities between the Bush/Cheney government and Hitler’s Nazis because I believe that such comparisons are very instructive in demonstrating the dangers that we currently face. I have often been severely criticized for making such comparisons, though most DUers have agreed with me. Are such comparisons “scientific”? Well, yes and no. It’s almost impossible to utilize valid statistical analysis for such comparisons, because of limited data – though I feel certain that it could be done to some extent, with enough thought, time and effort. Naomi Wolf, in her new book “The End of America”, makes similar comparisons by referring to many Bush/Cheney policies as “historical echoes” (of the Nazi past). She notes such things as:

 a mob of young men dressed in identical shirts violently shutting down the Florida vote count in 2000
 FBI agents stopping peace activists at airports
 The promise that upon our invasion of a country that posed no risk to us we’d be greeted as liberators
 Speaking of our country as “the Homeland”
 The requirement that doctors provide confidential medical records to government agents upon request
 The extraordinary efforts of Bush and Cheney to create propaganda disguised as news
 The paying of informers to catch “terrorists”

She ends that discussion by saying:

What is important are the structural echoes you will see: the way dictators take over democracies or crush pro-democracy uprisings by invoking emergency decrees to close down civil liberties; creating military tribunals; and criminalizing dissent.

We point to numerous similarities between what Bush and Cheney have done in comparison to what Hitler and his Nazis did. Critics of this line of reasoning point to the differences. Admittedly, there are differences. Which is more important, the similarities or the differences? There is no obvious and certain scientific way to answer that question. I – and many others – believe that the similarities are more important in this case. In the absence of statistical proof we use our intuition, our logic, our knowledge of history, and what we sometimes refer to as “common sense”. We can’t prove that the danger is comparable. And yet it seems to us that the similarities are so striking that one would be a fool not to recognize that our country is in a grave crisis that very well could mean the end of our country.
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U.S. Democracy in Crisis
Time for change


The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
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Time for change
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