Latest Threads
Latest
Greatest Threads
Greatest
Lobby
Lobby
Journals
Journals
Search
Search
Options
Options
Help
Help
Login
Login
Home » Discuss » Journals » Time for change » Read entry Donate to DU
Advertise Liberally! The Liberal Blog Advertising Network
Advertise on more than 70 progressive blogs!
Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Fri Jul 04th 2008, 12:51 PM
John McCain is not the least bit hesitant to invoke his war record to deflect a multitude of legitimate questions about him. That should be unacceptable to the American people. McCain should be willing to honestly answer questions about his woeful an
Sometimes it’s best just to say what’s on your mind. I’m sure that Barack Obama, if he were aware of what I have to say here, would be the first person to criticize me for it. Whether that would be for political reasons or because he truly objects to what I have to say is something that I cannot know. That’s fine. I wouldn’t want the Obama campaign to say these things. But these things need to be discussed.

The utter hypocrisy with which John McCain and his campaign makes use his military record for political purposes, and the hero worship with which our corporate news media honors that record is astounding and sickening. Comparison with the utter disdain with which they treated John Kerry’s military record in 2004 and Al Gore’s military record in 2000 is stark.

The American people should consider a few things:


The hypocritical outrage over General Clark’s remarks on McCain’s fitness to be President

The false outrage over Wesley Clark’s comments on McCain’s military service is absurd. Let’s first consider a few of those stupid remarks:

McCain: "I think it’s up to Senator Obama now, not only to repudiate him but to cut him loose"

McCain campaign chairman Rick Davis: “I think you have to question why the Barack Obama campaign would place Wesley Clark on that show as an official surrogate of their campaign with an understanding that he is likely to talk in this fashion about John McCain's service to our country.”

McCain spokesman Bryan Rogers: “It would be good if (Obama) would condemn those remarks… it’s been clear over time now… his words really don’t match up with the reality of how he’s run his campaign.”

Republican Senator John Warner: said to be “utterly shocked” at how Clark talked “in a disrespectful way” to “attack a fellow career officer.”

Ok, let’s get some things straight here. First of all, General Clark did not denigrate McCain’s war time service nor speak of him in a “disrespectful” manner or attack him, and he said nothing that was the least bit untrue. What he said about McCain’s military service was “I certainly honor his military service as a prisoner of war… He was a hero to me…” That’s about it. Anyone who can twist that into an attack or disrespect is being highly disingenuous.

He did say that getting shot out of a fighter plane is not a qualification to be President. He did not say that out of the blue. The context in which he said it was in response to Bob Schaeffer on “Face the Nation”, when Schaeffer, commenting on Obama, said “Nor has he (Obama) ridden in a fighter plane and gotten shot down.” Clark answered that irrelevant comment of Schaeffer’s by stating the obvious – that getting shot out of a fighter plane is not a qualification to be President. An incredulous sounding Schaeffer interrupted him at that point, saying “REALLY?!!!”

One could honestly disagree with Clark’s comments that McCain’s military experiences do not qualify him to be President. But to repeatedly express outrage over them and claim they are disrespectful and constitute an attack on McCain is absurd and hypocritical in the extreme.

And furthermore, Clark was not speaking for the Obama campaign when he made those remarks. Obama has made clear how he stands on the issue of McCain’s military service when he said “No one should ever devalue that service.” Enough said about that.


McCain’s denigration of Obama for “Not serving in uniform”

Of all the hypocritical and obnoxious statements that McCain has made – and there are plenty of them – his denigrating of Barack Obama for not serving in the military, for the purpose of avoiding hard questions about his own positions on veterans’ benefits, is the most disgusting, in my opinion.

A few weeks ago, Obama criticized McCain’s opposition to Jim Webb’s GI bill, which had just passed in the Senate by a 75-22 vote, saying “I can't understand why he would line up behind the president in opposition to this GI Bill. I can't understand why he believes it is too generous to our veterans. I could not disagree with him and the president more on this issue.”

Whatever one’s stance on Webb’s GI bill, no reasonable person could argue that Obama statement was not a legitimate issue to bring up in this campaign. John McCain has consistently voted against benefits for veterans, just as Obama has consistently voted for them. Those votes certainly are relevant to any consideration of how McCain would act as President.

Yet, rather than responding to the substance of Obama’s criticism, McCain avoided that by playing his military service card, as he has so many times in the past:

Republican John McCain said Thursday that Democrat Barack Obama had no right to criticize McCain's position on military scholarships because the Illinois senator did not serve in uniform.

"And I will not accept from Senator Obama, who did not feel it was his responsibility to serve our country in uniform, any lectures on my regard for those who did," the Arizona senator said in a harshly worded statement issued Thursday.

Well, let me tell you something John. Serving in the military is not the only way to serve our country. No, it was not Obama’s responsibility to “serve our country in uniform”. As a young man, prior to attending law school, he worked for three years as a community organizer with a church-based group in poor neighborhoods. Many would argue (including me) that that was a more valuable service to our country than your participation in a war that is now largely recognized as one of the worst mistakes in our nation’s history.


McCain’s hypocritical use of his military record to immunize himself against scrutiny

McCain’s statement that Obama should repudiate and “cut (Wesley Clark) loose” for the comments that Clark made about McCain’s military experience not qualifying him to be President is so typical of McCain. Clark had every right to state his opinion that McCain’s military experience doesn’t qualify him for the presidency. McCain has the right to answer that statement and explain to the American people why he believes his military experience is relevant to his qualifications for the presidency. But if he wants to make that point honestly, it would behoove him to answer questions about his record in the U.S. Senate with substantive answers rather than with the absurd claim that nobody has the right to ask him those questions.

His contention that Barack Obama has no right to discuss issues relating to veterans’ affairs because he has not served in the U.S. military is absurd. No candidate for President of the United States has ever had personal experience in all matters that s/he would be responsible for if elected President. Yet, all presidential candidates are expected to be knowledgeable and have opinions on these issues. McCain’s denigration of Obama on this matter represents no more than a cynical attempt by him to avoid answering hard and legitimate questions about his record in the U.S. Senate.

And it isn’t only in response to Obama or his supporters that McCain does things like this. In a recent response to a reporter who dared to enter upon the sacred issue of McCain’s military experience, David Wright notes:

McCain became visibly angry when I asked him to explain how his Vietnam experience prepared him for the Presidency. "Please," he said, recoiling back in his seat in distaste at the very question.

But Wright’s question was perfectly legitimate, as Jon Soltz, co-founder and Chair of VoteVets.org, explains:

It's still a story that the press is largely interested in, and when they call me to talk about it, I always – always – get the same first question: “What is it about their honorable service in Iraq and/or Afghanistan that qualifies them to go to Congress?

It's a legit question, and neither I, nor any of the candidates, take any umbrage at it. As veterans of the current conflicts, they have a unique perspective on the wars that should be part of the debate on the floor of Congress, and a vote that helps shapes our security policy.

Clearly, John McCain doesn’t feel that it’s a legitimate question. But it’s funny how differently he felt about this issue when John Kerry ran for President in 2004:

During an interview with National Journal, John McCain was asked if "military service inherently makes somebody better equipped to be commander-in-chief." McCain said, "Absolutely not. History shows that some of our greatest leaders have had little or no military experience… It might be a nice thing, but I absolutely don't believe that it's necessary.”


McCain’s excessive and hypocritical dwelling on his military record

McCain pretends that he’s too humble to bring his military record into his political campaigns. He has said:

One of the things I’ve never tried to do is exploit my Vietnam service to my country because it would be totally inappropriate to do so.

Yet, as David Brock and Paul Waldman explain in their book, “Free Ride – John McCain and the Media”:

Yet, from the very beginning of his political career, McCain has known just when to pull out his POW history for maximum effect.

Brock and Waldman go on to cite several pages of examples of how McCain has done this. One example is from McCain’s first Congressional race, when McCain responded to an accusation of carpetbagging by saying “As a matter of fact, when I think about it now, the place I lived longest in my life was Hanoi”. After relating numerous similar examples, Brock and Waldman sum up the press reaction with this observation:

What is striking is that reporters continue to insist on McCain’s reticence when it comes to the topic, echoing the same dishonest assertion McCain makes.


The swiftboating of John Kerry

The vigorous national news media coverage of the phony challenges to John Kerry’s service record in Vietnam, right before the 2004 election, provides a striking contrast to the fake outrage against any questioning of the relevancy of John McCain’s military service to his qualifications for the presidency. Not only did our corporate news media not consider Kerry’s heroic military service to qualify him for the presidency, but they gave volumes of press coverage to completely unsubstantiated lies about Kerry’s Vietnam War record, which included three Purple Hearts and a Bronze Star.

Despite the fact that all official documents substantiated Kerry’s heroism, the fact that all of the crew members who served with Kerry and the man whose life he saved corroborated those official accounts, and despite all of the inconsistencies in the undocumented stories of the “Swift Boat Veterans for Truth”, the national news media treated the accusations of the “Swifties” very seriously in the months before the 2004 election.

Eric Boehlert, in his book “Lapdogs – How the Press Rolled Over for Bush”, describes how this was done: CNN mentioned the stories in almost 300 news segments. The New York Times printed more than 100 articles on the subject. And the Washington Post ran 12 front page stories on the accusations of the Swifties during a 12 day period in August 2004.

An example of the hypocrisy with which the national news media lent legitimacy to the story is provided by an episode of Meet the Press, where Tim Russert innocently asked a guest, “If the substance of many of the charges from “Unfit for Command” (the book that John O’Neill used to assassinate Kerry’s war record) aren’t holding up… why is it resonating so much?” Duh, Tim. It’s resonating because media whores like you keep talking about it as if it was a legitimate story, without discussing the numerous holes in it.


How John McCain’s military service does or does not qualify him for the Presidency

Like any other experience, the question of how John McCain’s military experience qualifies him for the U.S. Presidency is not simply a matter of the experience itself, but what he learned from the experience.

The Vietnam War was a great national mistake. Robert S. McNamara, the U.S. Secretary of Defense during that war, learned from his mistakes. In his book about the Vietnam War, “Argument without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy”, he explains that:

The United States Government could have "won" the war, only if genocide is winning or risking all-out nuclear war is winning. In other words, McNamara does not hide that the military killed 3.8 million Vietnamese, lost 58,000 Americans and still did not persuade the Vietnamese people of the U.S. imperialist way of life.

John Kerry also learned a lesson from the Vietnam War, as shown by the anti-war protests he led upon his return and by the efforts he led to develop a plan for withdrawal from our current war.

But John McCain learned little or nothing of importance from his Vietnam War experience, except how to use his war record for political purposes.

The fact is that John McCain is a war monger who has little respect for international law, or for the lives that his country destroys in pursuit of their imperialistic aims.

That is evident in his persistent and unstinting support for George Bush’s war, as when he proclaimed that “No one has supported President Bush on Iraq more than I have.”

It is evident when he acknowledges that he believes that gaining control over another country’s oil is a legitimate reason for war, as when he says:

My friends, I will have an energy policy… which will eliminate our dependence on oil from the Middle East that will… prevent us from having ever to send our young men and women into conflict again in the Middle East.

It is evident when he says that we should stay in Iraq for 100 years.

And it is evident when he makes jokes by singing about bombing Iran, and when he tries to set the stage for a war against Iran by lying about Iran harboring al Qaeda, despite being corrected about that lie several times.

In summary, John McCain is not the least bit hesitant to invoke his war record to deflect a multitude of legitimate questions about him. That should be unacceptable to the American people. McCain should be willing to honestly answer questions about his woeful and consistent lack of support for veterans’ benefits, his unstinting support for imperialistic wars, and how his war experience qualifies him to be President. These are all legitimate issues that should rightfully be explored during this Presidential campaign.
Discuss (35 comments) | Recommend (+13 votes)
U.S. Democracy in Crisis
Time for change


The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
Profile Information
Time for change
Click to send private message to this author Click to view this author's profile Click to add this author to your buddy list Click to add this author to your ignore list
DU Donor DU Donor
11202 posts
Member since Thu Dec 2nd 2004
Silver Spring, MD, US
Male
Visitor Tools
Use the tools below to keep track of updates to this Journal.
The Usual Suspects
My Forums
Democratic Underground forums and groups from my "My Forums" list.
Random Journal
Random Journal
 
Home  |  Discussion Forums  |  Journals  |  Campaigns  |  Links  |  Store  |  Donate
About DU  |  Contact Us  |  Privacy Policy
Got a message for Democratic Underground? Click here to send us a message.