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THE UNFULFILLED PROMISE
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion (1/22-2007 thru 12/14/2010)
Fri Jul 04th 2008, 12:51 PM
John McCain is not the least bit hesitant to invoke his war record to deflect a multitude of legitimate questions about him. That should be unacceptable to the American people. McCain should be willing to honestly answer questions about his woeful an
Sometimes it’s best just to say what’s on your mind. I’m sure that Barack Obama, if he were aware of what I have to say here, would be the first person to criticize me for it. Whether that would be for political reasons or because he truly objects to what I have to say is something that I cannot know. That’s fine. I wouldn’t want the Obama campaign to say these things. But these things need to be discussed.

The utter hypocrisy with which John McCain and his campaign makes use his military record for political purposes, and the hero worship with which our corporate news media honors that record is astounding and sickening. Comparison with the utter disdain with which they treated John Kerry’s military record in 2004 and Al Gore’s military record in 2000 is stark.

The American people should consider a few things:


The hypocritical outrage over General Clark’s remarks on McCain’s fitness to be President

The false outrage over Wesley Clark’s comments on McCain’s military service is absurd. Let’s first consider a few of those stupid remarks:

McCain: "I think it’s up to Senator Obama now, not only to repudiate him but to cut him loose"

McCain campaign chairman Rick Davis: “I think you have to question why the Barack Obama campaign would place Wesley Clark on that show as an official surrogate of their campaign with an understanding that he is likely to talk in this fashion about John McCain's service to our country.”

McCain spokesman Bryan Rogers: “It would be good if (Obama) would condemn those remarks… it’s been clear over time now… his words really don’t match up with the reality of how he’s run his campaign.”

Republican Senator John Warner: said to be “utterly shocked” at how Clark talked “in a disrespectful way” to “attack a fellow career officer.”

Ok, let’s get some things straight here. First of all, General Clark did not denigrate McCain’s war time service nor speak of him in a “disrespectful” manner or attack him, and he said nothing that was the least bit untrue. What he said about McCain’s military service was “I certainly honor his military service as a prisoner of war… He was a hero to me…” That’s about it. Anyone who can twist that into an attack or disrespect is being highly disingenuous.

He did say that getting shot out of a fighter plane is not a qualification to be President. He did not say that out of the blue. The context in which he said it was in response to Bob Schaeffer on “Face the Nation”, when Schaeffer, commenting on Obama, said “Nor has he (Obama) ridden in a fighter plane and gotten shot down.” Clark answered that irrelevant comment of Schaeffer’s by stating the obvious – that getting shot out of a fighter plane is not a qualification to be President. An incredulous sounding Schaeffer interrupted him at that point, saying “REALLY?!!!”

One could honestly disagree with Clark’s comments that McCain’s military experiences do not qualify him to be President. But to repeatedly express outrage over them and claim they are disrespectful and constitute an attack on McCain is absurd and hypocritical in the extreme.

And furthermore, Clark was not speaking for the Obama campaign when he made those remarks. Obama has made clear how he stands on the issue of McCain’s military service when he said “No one should ever devalue that service.” Enough said about that.


McCain’s denigration of Obama for “Not serving in uniform”

Of all the hypocritical and obnoxious statements that McCain has made – and there are plenty of them – his denigrating of Barack Obama for not serving in the military, for the purpose of avoiding hard questions about his own positions on veterans’ benefits, is the most disgusting, in my opinion.

A few weeks ago, Obama criticized McCain’s opposition to Jim Webb’s GI bill, which had just passed in the Senate by a 75-22 vote, saying “I can't understand why he would line up behind the president in opposition to this GI Bill. I can't understand why he believes it is too generous to our veterans. I could not disagree with him and the president more on this issue.”

Whatever one’s stance on Webb’s GI bill, no reasonable person could argue that Obama statement was not a legitimate issue to bring up in this campaign. John McCain has consistently voted against benefits for veterans, just as Obama has consistently voted for them. Those votes certainly are relevant to any consideration of how McCain would act as President.

Yet, rather than responding to the substance of Obama’s criticism, McCain avoided that by playing his military service card, as he has so many times in the past:

Republican John McCain said Thursday that Democrat Barack Obama had no right to criticize McCain's position on military scholarships because the Illinois senator did not serve in uniform.

"And I will not accept from Senator Obama, who did not feel it was his responsibility to serve our country in uniform, any lectures on my regard for those who did," the Arizona senator said in a harshly worded statement issued Thursday.

Well, let me tell you something John. Serving in the military is not the only way to serve our country. No, it was not Obama’s responsibility to “serve our country in uniform”. As a young man, prior to attending law school, he worked for three years as a community organizer with a church-based group in poor neighborhoods. Many would argue (including me) that that was a more valuable service to our country than your participation in a war that is now largely recognized as one of the worst mistakes in our nation’s history.


McCain’s hypocritical use of his military record to immunize himself against scrutiny

McCain’s statement that Obama should repudiate and “cut (Wesley Clark) loose” for the comments that Clark made about McCain’s military experience not qualifying him to be President is so typical of McCain. Clark had every right to state his opinion that McCain’s military experience doesn’t qualify him for the presidency. McCain has the right to answer that statement and explain to the American people why he believes his military experience is relevant to his qualifications for the presidency. But if he wants to make that point honestly, it would behoove him to answer questions about his record in the U.S. Senate with substantive answers rather than with the absurd claim that nobody has the right to ask him those questions.

His contention that Barack Obama has no right to discuss issues relating to veterans’ affairs because he has not served in the U.S. military is absurd. No candidate for President of the United States has ever had personal experience in all matters that s/he would be responsible for if elected President. Yet, all presidential candidates are expected to be knowledgeable and have opinions on these issues. McCain’s denigration of Obama on this matter represents no more than a cynical attempt by him to avoid answering hard and legitimate questions about his record in the U.S. Senate.

And it isn’t only in response to Obama or his supporters that McCain does things like this. In a recent response to a reporter who dared to enter upon the sacred issue of McCain’s military experience, David Wright notes:

McCain became visibly angry when I asked him to explain how his Vietnam experience prepared him for the Presidency. "Please," he said, recoiling back in his seat in distaste at the very question.

But Wright’s question was perfectly legitimate, as Jon Soltz, co-founder and Chair of VoteVets.org, explains:

It's still a story that the press is largely interested in, and when they call me to talk about it, I always – always – get the same first question: “What is it about their honorable service in Iraq and/or Afghanistan that qualifies them to go to Congress?

It's a legit question, and neither I, nor any of the candidates, take any umbrage at it. As veterans of the current conflicts, they have a unique perspective on the wars that should be part of the debate on the floor of Congress, and a vote that helps shapes our security policy.

Clearly, John McCain doesn’t feel that it’s a legitimate question. But it’s funny how differently he felt about this issue when John Kerry ran for President in 2004:

During an interview with National Journal, John McCain was asked if "military service inherently makes somebody better equipped to be commander-in-chief." McCain said, "Absolutely not. History shows that some of our greatest leaders have had little or no military experience… It might be a nice thing, but I absolutely don't believe that it's necessary.”


McCain’s excessive and hypocritical dwelling on his military record

McCain pretends that he’s too humble to bring his military record into his political campaigns. He has said:

One of the things I’ve never tried to do is exploit my Vietnam service to my country because it would be totally inappropriate to do so.

Yet, as David Brock and Paul Waldman explain in their book, “Free Ride – John McCain and the Media”:

Yet, from the very beginning of his political career, McCain has known just when to pull out his POW history for maximum effect.

Brock and Waldman go on to cite several pages of examples of how McCain has done this. One example is from McCain’s first Congressional race, when McCain responded to an accusation of carpetbagging by saying “As a matter of fact, when I think about it now, the place I lived longest in my life was Hanoi”. After relating numerous similar examples, Brock and Waldman sum up the press reaction with this observation:

What is striking is that reporters continue to insist on McCain’s reticence when it comes to the topic, echoing the same dishonest assertion McCain makes.


The swiftboating of John Kerry

The vigorous national news media coverage of the phony challenges to John Kerry’s service record in Vietnam, right before the 2004 election, provides a striking contrast to the fake outrage against any questioning of the relevancy of John McCain’s military service to his qualifications for the presidency. Not only did our corporate news media not consider Kerry’s heroic military service to qualify him for the presidency, but they gave volumes of press coverage to completely unsubstantiated lies about Kerry’s Vietnam War record, which included three Purple Hearts and a Bronze Star.

Despite the fact that all official documents substantiated Kerry’s heroism, the fact that all of the crew members who served with Kerry and the man whose life he saved corroborated those official accounts, and despite all of the inconsistencies in the undocumented stories of the “Swift Boat Veterans for Truth”, the national news media treated the accusations of the “Swifties” very seriously in the months before the 2004 election.

Eric Boehlert, in his book “Lapdogs – How the Press Rolled Over for Bush”, describes how this was done: CNN mentioned the stories in almost 300 news segments. The New York Times printed more than 100 articles on the subject. And the Washington Post ran 12 front page stories on the accusations of the Swifties during a 12 day period in August 2004.

An example of the hypocrisy with which the national news media lent legitimacy to the story is provided by an episode of Meet the Press, where Tim Russert innocently asked a guest, “If the substance of many of the charges from “Unfit for Command” (the book that John O’Neill used to assassinate Kerry’s war record) aren’t holding up… why is it resonating so much?” Duh, Tim. It’s resonating because media whores like you keep talking about it as if it was a legitimate story, without discussing the numerous holes in it.


How John McCain’s military service does or does not qualify him for the Presidency

Like any other experience, the question of how John McCain’s military experience qualifies him for the U.S. Presidency is not simply a matter of the experience itself, but what he learned from the experience.

The Vietnam War was a great national mistake. Robert S. McNamara, the U.S. Secretary of Defense during that war, learned from his mistakes. In his book about the Vietnam War, “Argument without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy”, he explains that:

The United States Government could have "won" the war, only if genocide is winning or risking all-out nuclear war is winning. In other words, McNamara does not hide that the military killed 3.8 million Vietnamese, lost 58,000 Americans and still did not persuade the Vietnamese people of the U.S. imperialist way of life.

John Kerry also learned a lesson from the Vietnam War, as shown by the anti-war protests he led upon his return and by the efforts he led to develop a plan for withdrawal from our current war.

But John McCain learned little or nothing of importance from his Vietnam War experience, except how to use his war record for political purposes.

The fact is that John McCain is a war monger who has little respect for international law, or for the lives that his country destroys in pursuit of their imperialistic aims.

That is evident in his persistent and unstinting support for George Bush’s war, as when he proclaimed that “No one has supported President Bush on Iraq more than I have.”

It is evident when he acknowledges that he believes that gaining control over another country’s oil is a legitimate reason for war, as when he says:

My friends, I will have an energy policy… which will eliminate our dependence on oil from the Middle East that will… prevent us from having ever to send our young men and women into conflict again in the Middle East.

It is evident when he says that we should stay in Iraq for 100 years.

And it is evident when he makes jokes by singing about bombing Iran, and when he tries to set the stage for a war against Iran by lying about Iran harboring al Qaeda, despite being corrected about that lie several times.

In summary, John McCain is not the least bit hesitant to invoke his war record to deflect a multitude of legitimate questions about him. That should be unacceptable to the American people. McCain should be willing to honestly answer questions about his woeful and consistent lack of support for veterans’ benefits, his unstinting support for imperialistic wars, and how his war experience qualifies him to be President. These are all legitimate issues that should rightfully be explored during this Presidential campaign.
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The Unfulfilled Promise
The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream: The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals




Time for change


Notwithstanding the lofty sentiments and purpose of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the reality of the United States of America did not then – and never has – lived up to its ideal. Our nation remains today a long way from fulfilling the promise implied by those ideals. Yet, our Declaration was a great start, and it has long shone as a beacon of hope for people all over the world.

Throughout our history, while many have striven to close the gap between our highest ideals and the reality of our nation, others have focused on the accumulation of private wealth and power, at the expense of everyone else. In recent decades the latter have gained much ground, leading to increasing imperialism abroad and deteriorating democracy at home, characterized by routine (and legal) bribery of our public officials, the fusion of government and private corporate interests (corporatocracy), a corrupt election system largely in the hands of private corporations, a corporate controlled communications media, and the widespread acceptance of Executive Branch secrecy, routinely justified with little if any questioning, by the magic words “national security”. All of this is rapidly turning our country from the democracy proclaimed at our founding into a plutocracy (government by the wealthy and for the wealthy). The result is the most obscene wealth gap our country has ever known, the highest imprisonment rate in the world, rampant militarism, routine flaunting of international law, the least efficient health care system in the developed world, a pending environmental catastrophe that threatens to destroy the life sustaining forces of our planet, and myriad other problems that threaten to destroy our nation and tyrannize our people.

My new book, The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream – The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals, explores the roots and consequences of the demise of our democracy, and why most Americans have been unable to understand this process or even become aware of it. A good understanding of why and how we have deviated so greatly from the ideals of our nation is the first and necessary step towards getting back on the right track and revitalizing our society.

The book is currently being sold in electronic PDF format and can be purchased at http://www.unfulfilledpromise.com/Buy-the-... for $3.99. It will also soon be available in Amazon Kindle format. DU members who cannot afford to buy the book but would like to read it can pm me with your e-mail address, and I will send you a free PDF copy.

I’ve previously posted on DU a slightly earlier version of the introduction to the book, which is also posted at my site. Here is the Table of Contents, followed by a brief description of the three parts of the book:


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Acknowledgements
Prologue – What is Wrong with the United States of America?

Part I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy
Chapter 1 – Legalized Bribery
Chapter 2 – Human Psychological Factors
Chapter 3 – Corporatocracy
Chapter 4 – Corporate Control of Media
Chapter 5 – Corrupt Election System
Chapter 6 – Government Secrecy
Chapter 7 – American Exceptionalism

Part II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions
Chapter 8 – Slavery and its Legacy
Chapter 9 – Early U.S. Imperialism
Chapter 10 – U.S. Imperialism in Cold War
Chapter 11 – Iraq War and Occupation
Chapter 12 – Afghanistan War

Part III – Consequences
Chapter 13 – Election of George W. Bush
Chapter 14 – War and Imperialism
Chapter 15 – Class Warfare
Chapter 16 – Predator Financial Class
Chapter 17 – Shock Therapy
Chapter 18 – Contempt for Int. Law
Chapter 19 – The “War on Drugs”
Chapter 20 – Climate Change
Chapter 21 – “War on Terror”
Chapter 22 – Health Care
Chapter 23 – Unaccountable government
Chapter 24 – Response to 9/11 Attacks
Epilogue


PART I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy

It is somewhat difficult to separate the causes of our problems from their consequences, since they combine to form a long chain of cause leading to consequence, leading to more consequences, etcetera. Nevertheless, it seems worth while to identify the root causes of our problems, those that occur early in the chain and lead to so many of the tragic consequences we see today. The only chance we have of reversing the demise of our democracy is through addressing and attacking its root causes.

At the top of the list is the systematic bribery of public officials by the powerful corporations (Chapter 1) whom our government is charged with regulating in the public interest. Instead of calling it bribery, we call it “campaign contributions”, but what we call it isn’t as important as what it is. It is hard to fathom how democracy can survive when such a practice is legal and condoned.

Working in tandem with our system of legalized bribery is the nature of the people who inhabit our country. That is not to say that Americans are inherently substantially different than any other people. Human beings are imperfect, and that is probably a major reason why in a world where civilization began more than five millennia ago, the oldest written national framework of government in the world today – the Constitution of the United States of America – is only a little more than two and a quarter centuries old. Chapter 2 explores the roles of basic human needs, authoritarianism, psychological defense mechanisms used to prevent us from perceiving reality as it is rather than as we’d like it to be, and corrupted ideologies in causing us to passively accept the accumulation of power in the hands of ambitious and ruthless individuals who care about little else than expanding their own wealth and power.

When bribery of public officials is tolerated as an inevitable aspect of public life, government inevitably grows close to the wealthy interests that shower it with money in return for legislative and other favors. A malevolent symbiosis grows between the state and corporate power, resulting in rule by an oligarchy that is highly detrimental to the lives of ordinary people (Chapter 3). Using their accumulated wealth and power to manipulate our legislative process, the oligarchy grabs for more and more control of the communications media (Chapter 4) that are used to control the information available to and shape the attitudes of our nation’s people, in pursuit of their own narrow interests.

Since the 1980s an orchestrated campaign has been underway to demonize “big government”, thereby paving the way for private corporate control over more and more functions that were previously deemed intrinsic functions of government. Among those functions is the running of public elections (Chapter 5) – the function that symbolizes democracy perhaps more than any other single function. Consequently, the purging of selected registered voters from our computerized voter rolls has become a routine recurring event throughout much of our country, and without a doubt determined the results of the 2000 – and probably 2004 as well – presidential election. Just as bad, more and more of the counting of votes in our public elections have been turned over to private corporations, which count our votes using electronic machines using secret software to produce vote counts that cannot be verified by anyone.

Bribery, the fusion of government and private interest, fake and biased news, and corrupt elections are not things that government and its corporate allies want us to know about. Consequently, they construct walls of secrecy (Chapter 6) to keep us from obtaining information that sheds light on their activities. The perfect phrase for facilitating this is “national security”. When our government tells us that the “national security” requires that certain things be kept secret from us, the understanding is that to question such a pronouncement is unpatriotic, and to actually attempt to obtain the “secret” information may be treasonous.

But indefinitely maintaining secrets from the American people can be very difficult, because at least some people want to know what their government is up to. So in addition to the formal mechanisms of secrecy, informal mechanisms are constructed (Chapter 7) to keep vital information away from us. One of the primary methods for doing this is to make certain sensitive subjects taboo – that is, to create the widespread belief that discussion of these topics is so outside the bounds of acceptable human discourse that anyone who discusses them should be shunned by society, or worse. The most common issue that falls into this category is any discussion that sheds light on the disparity between American ideals and the reality of life in our country today.


PART II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions in U.S. History

Notwithstanding the fact that our founding document says that “all men are created equal” and speaks of the inalienable rights of humankind, the United States has throughout its history partaken of massive exploitation of other peoples.

It is estimated that at the time of our birth, 18% of our population was black slaves. In our expansion westwards during the late 18th and 19th centuries, we decimated the original inhabitants of our continent, and often treated them with great cruelty. In 1846 we manufactured an excuse for war with our neighbor Mexico, in which we continued to expand our country westwards and southwards. In 1893 we began our overseas imperialism with the conquest of Hawaii. Our overseas expansion was greatly accelerated in 1898 with our participation in the Spanish-American War, which led to our conquest of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. With our arrival at world superpower status at the end of World War II, we began the Cold War, which led to and served as a rationalization for covert and/or direct military actions against myriad foreign nations over the next 46 years. With the September 11, 2001 attacks on our country, we declared a perpetual “War on Terror”, which served and continues to serve as an excuse to invade and occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, nations that posed no threat to us. We do not know when or if this perpetual war will ever end. We don’t know how many additional imperial conquests it will lead to.

Most Americans don’t think much about all this. Many of these actions are done in secrecy, and the American people don’t find out about them until many years later – or we never find out about them at all. Those that we do know about are spun into the most favorable light, to make them seem benign or even noble.

But these actions come at great costs: in the lives of our soldiers; in the ruined lives of the peoples of the victim countries; in trillions of dollars cost to our people and their future generations; in our international reputation; in anti-American hatred leading to terrorism; and, to our democracy itself. For how can a nation claim to believe in the inalienable rights of humankind specified in its founding document, while making a mockery of that belief in the way it treats other peoples? For that reason alone it is worth while to take a brief look at our long history of imperialist actions.


PART III – Consequences

In the Prologue I give a brief account of what I see as some of the worst and tragic consequences of the root causes that I discuss in Part I – to enable the reader to see where this book is heading. When elections of our public officials are for sale to the highest bidder… when our public officials are so addicted to the “campaign contributions” of their wealthiest constituents that they develop a symbiotic relationship with them… when our communications media are owned and controlled by an oligarchy of wealthy elites… when our citizenry lack the ability to differentiate propaganda from reality… when we allow machines provided by private corporations to count our votes using secret electronic software… then we should expect that the consequences will not be pretty or comfortable for the vast majority of our citizens.

In Part III, I explore those consequences in much greater detail, in the hope that the reader will agree with me that these are very serious problems, and that they must be successfully addressed if our country is ever to fulfill the promise of its ideals, or even make progress in that direction. When enough Americans recognize our problems as problems, stripped of the gloss and spin put on them by our oligarchy, they will rise up and do something about them. Until then there will be no progress, and we are very likely to head in the direction of all the former empires of our planet, ending in chaos, widespread catastrophe, suffering, and ignominy.

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