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THE UNFULFILLED PROMISE
How does McCain defend his long Senate history of corporate deregulation when we are now faced with the biggest economic crisis since the Great Depression, and when it is widely agreed that the fundamental cause of the crisis is several years of Repu
Fortunately for the American people, John McCain has finally been pressured into attending tonight’s Presidential debate in Mississippi. Even some of his most ardent supporters had the good sense to recognize that the American people deserve the opportunity to obtain a full understanding of the differences between the candidates’ positions on issues of crucial importance to our nation and the world before casting their votes on November 4th. Here is a recent statement from Mike Huckabee on the subject:

Huckabee said he still backs McCain's candidacy, but said the Arizona senator should not have put his campaign on hold to deal with the financial crisis on Wall Street. He said a president must be prepared to "deal with the unexpected."

"You can't just say, 'World stop for a moment. I'm going to cancel everything,'" Huckabee said.

For those who believe that McCain’s request to put the debate on hold was truly motivated, as he claimed, by his decision to put country above politics, there are several facts that the American people should keep in mind:


McCain’s recent (lack of) voting record

It has long been accepted tradition in our country that U.S. Congresspersons who run for President will miss a lot of congressional votes. 2008 has certainly been no exception to that rule. Of the 8 U.S. Senators with by far the largest percentage of missed votes, two have had very serious illnesses (Kennedy and Johnson), and the other six are the six U.S. Senators who were candidates for President in 2008.

But leading the pack by far is John McCain, having missed 64.1% of all Senate votes for the 110th Congress. Significantly, Barack Obama is a distant third in that category, having missed 45.9% of Senate votes.

I don’t begrudge John McCain missing Senate votes because of his presidential campaign. As I said, he is not alone in that regard. And it is very important that U.S. citizens get ample opportunity to evaluate their candidates for president. But then for McCain to turn around and try to cancel the first debate against his Democratic opponent on the presumption that he puts “country over party” is highly disingenuous, to say the least. Presidential debates are much more important to the American people than is traditional campaigning. They provide an opportunity for us to view and evaluate substantive discussion between candidates, in contrast to the sound bites and prepared speeches that we hear during normal campaigning. And given the intensity of inflammable, racist and strongly negative campaigning that the McCain campaign has conducted against Obama, it would seem like the decent and honorable thing to do to give Obama the opportunity to defend against those attacks in a face-to-face forum.

And not only that, but the pattern of McCain’s missed votes is highly suspect. John McCain is an intensely pro-corporate Republican who has managed to nevertheless cultivate the image of someone who is concerned about our environment. That is quite a trick, but it has been essential to his remaining competitive in the presidential race against Obama. How does one maintain an image of concern about the environment when the non-partisan League of Conservation Voters (LCV) gives him a 24% lifetime score for his global warming policies, and a 0% score for 2007?

One way to do it is to avoid certain crucial votes. Yhere were two recent instances (December 2007 and February 2008) where the Senate missed by one vote an effort to end a filibuster that would have provided billions of dollars for clean energy incentives. Those two examples of 59-40 failures had one thing in common: McCain was the only Senator who didn’t vote. And for one of those votes there was good evidence that the dodge was intentional:

McCain’s plane landed at Dulles Airport at 5:00 p.m., “leaving plenty of time to make the 5:45 p.m. make or break procedural vote.” The other senators on his plane returned for the vote. ThinkProgress has confirmed with Sen. Joe Lieberman’s (I-CT) office that both he and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) were on the same plane with McCain. Yet both Lieberman and Graham returned to the Senate in time to cast votes.


McCain’s recent attempt to dodge a debate with Obama

McCain’s recent ploy to get out of tonight’s debate was especially riddled with dishonesty. For one thing, just last week McCain claimed that the fundamentals of the U.S. economy were sound. How does one go from that position, in one week, to the position that the economy is in such dire danger that immediate action is required? I’ll bet he’s hoping that nobody asks him that question at tonight’s debate.

Secondly, though McCain claimed to “suspend his campaign” to deal with our economic crisis, he in fact did not suspend his campaign at all:

Instead of heading to Washington right away, Senator McCain stuck around in New York to do TV interviews, spend the night, and give a scheduled speech. Though the McCain campaign announced yesterday that they were also "suspending" their attack ads, they continued to run Thursday.

When McCain finally arrived in Washington, almost twenty-four hours after his announcement – and after Congressional leadership announced a deal in principle – he huddled with his lobbyist campaign advisors while his running mate held a political rally and his political spokesmen and surrogates were out in full force, continuing to attack Barack Obama.

Thirdly, all indications are that McCain had nothing to add to the process. The New York Sun had this to say:

Lawmakers emerged from an unusual White House meeting late in the day worried that a tentative agreement on a Wall Street rescue plan had fallen apart, with House Republicans in opposition…

“John McCain did nothing to help. He only hurt the process,” the Senate majority leader, Harry Reid, told reporters after the White House meeting, which President Bush convened with congressional leaders from both parties as well as Senators McCain and Obama.

Barney Frank had this to say about McCain’s participation in the whole process:

He’s been irrelevant to the process. He remains to be," said Frank…. I didn’t see any sign of our Republican colleagues paying any attention to him whatsoever… Nobody mentioned him. The man’s irrelevant to the whole process. No Republican mentioned his name. I’m the only one who raised his name. They winced when I did," he said.

And Chris Dodd was even more blunt about the meeting at the White House:

Sen. Chris Dodd, the top Democrat on the Senate Banking Committee, said Thursday that the bipartisan meeting with President Bush at the White House on the mortgage rescue plan was nothing short of a disaster. In an interview on the CNN cable news network, Dodd described a meeting in which Democrats were blindsided by a new core mortgage proposal from House Republicans, with the tacit backing of Republican presidential candidate John McCain. "I am not going to sign on to something I just saw this afternoon," he said… The whole meeting "looked like a rescue plan for John McCain," Dodd said.


McCain is now in a position of defending the un-defendable

It is certainly understandable why John McCain wouldn’t want to debate Barack Obama on anything having to do with the economy (or anything else for that matter, but that’s another story.) McCain has long made it quite clear that he is against government regulation of almost any kind.

His early political career was marred by the Keating 5 scandal, in which he used his influence to impede investigation of one of his major contributors (Keating), thus resulting in a $2.6 billion government bailout.

And his whole career has been marked by radical anti-regulatory rhetoric and ideology:

“I’m always for less regulation,” he told The Wall Street Journal last March, “but I am aware of the view that there is a need for government oversight” in situations like the subprime lending crisis, the problem that has cascaded through Wall Street this year. He concluded, “but I am fundamentally a deregulator.”

Later that month, he gave a speech on the housing crisis in which he called for less regulation, saying, “Our financial market approach should include encouraging increased capital in financial institutions by removing regulatory, accounting and tax impediments to raising capital.”

So how does he defend that long Senate history when we are now faced with what many believe is the biggest economic crisis since the Great Depression, and when it is widely agreed that the fundamental cause of the crisis is several years of Republican-fostered deregulation of the banking and credit industry?

That is most certainly not something that John McCain should look forward to. His running mate was recently made to look like a bumbling idiot, when she was repeatedly asked to think of a single example in McCain’s long Senate career when he adopted a pro-regulatory stance. The only thing that she could come up with was to repeat over and over again that John McCain is a “maverick”.

Sarah Palin has since been widely disparaged for appearing so incompetent in that interview (and others). But in one sense it is somewhat unfair to blame her for that infamous interview that she had with Katie Couric. How many people could have thought of an example where John McCain has supported corporate regulation? It will be interesting to see how McCain himself handles that question tonight if he’s asked about it.
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The Unfulfilled Promise
The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream: The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals




Time for change


Notwithstanding the lofty sentiments and purpose of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the reality of the United States of America did not then – and never has – lived up to its ideal. Our nation remains today a long way from fulfilling the promise implied by those ideals. Yet, our Declaration was a great start, and it has long shone as a beacon of hope for people all over the world.

Throughout our history, while many have striven to close the gap between our highest ideals and the reality of our nation, others have focused on the accumulation of private wealth and power, at the expense of everyone else. In recent decades the latter have gained much ground, leading to increasing imperialism abroad and deteriorating democracy at home, characterized by routine (and legal) bribery of our public officials, the fusion of government and private corporate interests (corporatocracy), a corrupt election system largely in the hands of private corporations, a corporate controlled communications media, and the widespread acceptance of Executive Branch secrecy, routinely justified with little if any questioning, by the magic words “national security”. All of this is rapidly turning our country from the democracy proclaimed at our founding into a plutocracy (government by the wealthy and for the wealthy). The result is the most obscene wealth gap our country has ever known, the highest imprisonment rate in the world, rampant militarism, routine flaunting of international law, the least efficient health care system in the developed world, a pending environmental catastrophe that threatens to destroy the life sustaining forces of our planet, and myriad other problems that threaten to destroy our nation and tyrannize our people.

My new book, The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream – The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals, explores the roots and consequences of the demise of our democracy, and why most Americans have been unable to understand this process or even become aware of it. A good understanding of why and how we have deviated so greatly from the ideals of our nation is the first and necessary step towards getting back on the right track and revitalizing our society.

The book is currently being sold in electronic PDF format and can be purchased at http://www.unfulfilledpromise.com/Buy-the-... for $3.99. It will also soon be available in Amazon Kindle format. DU members who cannot afford to buy the book but would like to read it can pm me with your e-mail address, and I will send you a free PDF copy.

I’ve previously posted on DU a slightly earlier version of the introduction to the book, which is also posted at my site. Here is the Table of Contents, followed by a brief description of the three parts of the book:


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Acknowledgements
Prologue – What is Wrong with the United States of America?

Part I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy
Chapter 1 – Legalized Bribery
Chapter 2 – Human Psychological Factors
Chapter 3 – Corporatocracy
Chapter 4 – Corporate Control of Media
Chapter 5 – Corrupt Election System
Chapter 6 – Government Secrecy
Chapter 7 – American Exceptionalism

Part II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions
Chapter 8 – Slavery and its Legacy
Chapter 9 – Early U.S. Imperialism
Chapter 10 – U.S. Imperialism in Cold War
Chapter 11 – Iraq War and Occupation
Chapter 12 – Afghanistan War

Part III – Consequences
Chapter 13 – Election of George W. Bush
Chapter 14 – War and Imperialism
Chapter 15 – Class Warfare
Chapter 16 – Predator Financial Class
Chapter 17 – Shock Therapy
Chapter 18 – Contempt for Int. Law
Chapter 19 – The “War on Drugs”
Chapter 20 – Climate Change
Chapter 21 – “War on Terror”
Chapter 22 – Health Care
Chapter 23 – Unaccountable government
Chapter 24 – Response to 9/11 Attacks
Epilogue


PART I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy

It is somewhat difficult to separate the causes of our problems from their consequences, since they combine to form a long chain of cause leading to consequence, leading to more consequences, etcetera. Nevertheless, it seems worth while to identify the root causes of our problems, those that occur early in the chain and lead to so many of the tragic consequences we see today. The only chance we have of reversing the demise of our democracy is through addressing and attacking its root causes.

At the top of the list is the systematic bribery of public officials by the powerful corporations (Chapter 1) whom our government is charged with regulating in the public interest. Instead of calling it bribery, we call it “campaign contributions”, but what we call it isn’t as important as what it is. It is hard to fathom how democracy can survive when such a practice is legal and condoned.

Working in tandem with our system of legalized bribery is the nature of the people who inhabit our country. That is not to say that Americans are inherently substantially different than any other people. Human beings are imperfect, and that is probably a major reason why in a world where civilization began more than five millennia ago, the oldest written national framework of government in the world today – the Constitution of the United States of America – is only a little more than two and a quarter centuries old. Chapter 2 explores the roles of basic human needs, authoritarianism, psychological defense mechanisms used to prevent us from perceiving reality as it is rather than as we’d like it to be, and corrupted ideologies in causing us to passively accept the accumulation of power in the hands of ambitious and ruthless individuals who care about little else than expanding their own wealth and power.

When bribery of public officials is tolerated as an inevitable aspect of public life, government inevitably grows close to the wealthy interests that shower it with money in return for legislative and other favors. A malevolent symbiosis grows between the state and corporate power, resulting in rule by an oligarchy that is highly detrimental to the lives of ordinary people (Chapter 3). Using their accumulated wealth and power to manipulate our legislative process, the oligarchy grabs for more and more control of the communications media (Chapter 4) that are used to control the information available to and shape the attitudes of our nation’s people, in pursuit of their own narrow interests.

Since the 1980s an orchestrated campaign has been underway to demonize “big government”, thereby paving the way for private corporate control over more and more functions that were previously deemed intrinsic functions of government. Among those functions is the running of public elections (Chapter 5) – the function that symbolizes democracy perhaps more than any other single function. Consequently, the purging of selected registered voters from our computerized voter rolls has become a routine recurring event throughout much of our country, and without a doubt determined the results of the 2000 – and probably 2004 as well – presidential election. Just as bad, more and more of the counting of votes in our public elections have been turned over to private corporations, which count our votes using electronic machines using secret software to produce vote counts that cannot be verified by anyone.

Bribery, the fusion of government and private interest, fake and biased news, and corrupt elections are not things that government and its corporate allies want us to know about. Consequently, they construct walls of secrecy (Chapter 6) to keep us from obtaining information that sheds light on their activities. The perfect phrase for facilitating this is “national security”. When our government tells us that the “national security” requires that certain things be kept secret from us, the understanding is that to question such a pronouncement is unpatriotic, and to actually attempt to obtain the “secret” information may be treasonous.

But indefinitely maintaining secrets from the American people can be very difficult, because at least some people want to know what their government is up to. So in addition to the formal mechanisms of secrecy, informal mechanisms are constructed (Chapter 7) to keep vital information away from us. One of the primary methods for doing this is to make certain sensitive subjects taboo – that is, to create the widespread belief that discussion of these topics is so outside the bounds of acceptable human discourse that anyone who discusses them should be shunned by society, or worse. The most common issue that falls into this category is any discussion that sheds light on the disparity between American ideals and the reality of life in our country today.


PART II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions in U.S. History

Notwithstanding the fact that our founding document says that “all men are created equal” and speaks of the inalienable rights of humankind, the United States has throughout its history partaken of massive exploitation of other peoples.

It is estimated that at the time of our birth, 18% of our population was black slaves. In our expansion westwards during the late 18th and 19th centuries, we decimated the original inhabitants of our continent, and often treated them with great cruelty. In 1846 we manufactured an excuse for war with our neighbor Mexico, in which we continued to expand our country westwards and southwards. In 1893 we began our overseas imperialism with the conquest of Hawaii. Our overseas expansion was greatly accelerated in 1898 with our participation in the Spanish-American War, which led to our conquest of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. With our arrival at world superpower status at the end of World War II, we began the Cold War, which led to and served as a rationalization for covert and/or direct military actions against myriad foreign nations over the next 46 years. With the September 11, 2001 attacks on our country, we declared a perpetual “War on Terror”, which served and continues to serve as an excuse to invade and occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, nations that posed no threat to us. We do not know when or if this perpetual war will ever end. We don’t know how many additional imperial conquests it will lead to.

Most Americans don’t think much about all this. Many of these actions are done in secrecy, and the American people don’t find out about them until many years later – or we never find out about them at all. Those that we do know about are spun into the most favorable light, to make them seem benign or even noble.

But these actions come at great costs: in the lives of our soldiers; in the ruined lives of the peoples of the victim countries; in trillions of dollars cost to our people and their future generations; in our international reputation; in anti-American hatred leading to terrorism; and, to our democracy itself. For how can a nation claim to believe in the inalienable rights of humankind specified in its founding document, while making a mockery of that belief in the way it treats other peoples? For that reason alone it is worth while to take a brief look at our long history of imperialist actions.


PART III – Consequences

In the Prologue I give a brief account of what I see as some of the worst and tragic consequences of the root causes that I discuss in Part I – to enable the reader to see where this book is heading. When elections of our public officials are for sale to the highest bidder… when our public officials are so addicted to the “campaign contributions” of their wealthiest constituents that they develop a symbiotic relationship with them… when our communications media are owned and controlled by an oligarchy of wealthy elites… when our citizenry lack the ability to differentiate propaganda from reality… when we allow machines provided by private corporations to count our votes using secret electronic software… then we should expect that the consequences will not be pretty or comfortable for the vast majority of our citizens.

In Part III, I explore those consequences in much greater detail, in the hope that the reader will agree with me that these are very serious problems, and that they must be successfully addressed if our country is ever to fulfill the promise of its ideals, or even make progress in that direction. When enough Americans recognize our problems as problems, stripped of the gloss and spin put on them by our oligarchy, they will rise up and do something about them. Until then there will be no progress, and we are very likely to head in the direction of all the former empires of our planet, ending in chaos, widespread catastrophe, suffering, and ignominy.

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