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Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Fri Nov 07th 2008, 10:47 PM
Our country is greatly burdened by leaders who believe we have the right to attack other nations anytime we feel that it is to our advantage to do that. President-elect Obama faces the great challenge of trying to reverse that course. I sure do hop
If you got the impression from the title that this post is about 2008, you’re only partially correct. The turning point that I discuss in this post is 1980, a year when we replaced one of the best presidents in U.S. history with one of the worst. Tuesday’s election calls this to mind, as we are now hoping that we will witness a mirror image of 1980 – the replacement of the worst president in U.S. history with one of the best.

Needless to say, Barack Obama does not yet deserve that designation – and he would no doubt be one of the first people to acknowledge that. He’ll have to earn it, and it will be a very difficult, uphill climb, with an abundance of intensely nasty opposition. In my opinion, in order to be a great President he will have to take risks, frequently opting for what is right rather than for what is popular or easy.

That will be a lot to ask of him. As the first African-American president of a country that has a long history of racism, he will be under intense pressure to go with the flow, so as to avoid being seen as too far left. He will have a very fine line to walk, between doing what is right and avoiding the animosity of the conservative corporate elites of this country.

Well, he had a mighty fine line to walk to get the Democratic Presidential nomination and then go on to win the Presidency. If anyone would have asked me one or two years ago what I thought the chances were of an African-American being elected President of our country in my lifetime, I would have said they were slim to none. Obama’s election was nothing short of a miracle. What it took was a combination of an exceptionally eloquent, talented and inspiring candidate, in combination with eight years of the worst presidency we’ve ever experienced. Congratulations, President Obama!


Yet to a large extent, Barack Obama remains a mystery to me. I am hopeful, but not convinced that he will be an outstanding President.

It will probably seem ludicrous to many people that I use Jimmy Carter as an example that I hope Obama will follow. Jimmy Carter’s presidency is widely regarded among conservatives, moderates and even many liberals as a failure. Of 8 historical presidential rankings listed by Wikipedia that ranked both Reagan and Carter, only one (thank God for that one!) ranked Carter ahead of Reagan. The latest one, sponsored by the Wall Street Journal, ranked Carter 34th and Reagan 6th. Well, screw that poll, and most of the others as well. Their main criteria for a high ranking seems to be “winning” a major war, either as president or a general: # 1 Washington (Commander-in Chief for the Revolutionary War); # 2 Lincoln (Civil War); # 3 F. Roosevelt (WW II); # 6 Reagan (Some say he won the Cold War); # 7 Truman (ended WW II in the Pacific); # 8 Eisenhower (Supreme Allied Commander during WW II); # 9 Polk (Mexican War); # 10 Jackson (Won the Battle of New Orleans at the end of the War of 1812); # 11 Wilson (WW I); # 14 McKinley (Spanish-American War). Not that I don’t agree with the high rankings for Lincoln and FDR. I do. But I find the worshipping of war, manifested both in these Presidential rankings and in so much else of American culture, to be repugnant.


The long imperial history of the United States prior to the Carter Presidency

The history of the United States is a long story of imperial aggression, beginning with our use of slaves from Africa, the near extermination of the original inhabitants of our country over the course of more than a century, and a war of aggression against Mexico (1846-8). I discuss this history in more detail in this post.

Following World War II, with the onset of the Cold War, our aggressive tendencies intensified, as we repeatedly helped to replace leftist governments with right wing dictatorships or put down rebellions against repressive governments. Major examples include: the CIA sponsored overthrow of Mohammad Mossadegh in Iran (1953); the CIA overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz Guzman in Guatemala (1954); our assistance in the massacre of Communists in Indonesia (1965); the Vietnam War (1959-75), with its associated bombing of Laos (1969-74) and Cambodia (1970-75; the CIA sponsored overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile (1973) and our help in putting down the East Timorese rebellion against Indonesia (1975).

There is not full agreement on the reasons for all these Cold War interventions. Our claim was that we conducted the Cold War to protect the peoples of the world against Communist tyranny. But no doubt there were many other reasons, such as our desire to maintain and expand our international influence, corporate profiteering, and perhaps most important of all, the fear of many American leaders that successful leftist governments would set an example that Americans might want to emulate.

Our desire for oil became an increasingly important reason for our meddling in other countries during this period of time. In 1970 domestic oil production peaked in our country and then began to decline. From that point forward, we became increasingly dependent upon foreign oil, especially from the Middle East.


The Carter Presidency reaction against U.S. imperialism and war

Jimmy Carter was perhaps the most peace-focused President our country has ever had. On the campaign trail in 1976, Carter was an outspoken critic of U.S. imperialism:

We’re ashamed of what our government is as we deal with other nations around the world… What we seek is … a foreign policy that reflects the decency and generosity and common sense of our own people.

Morris Berman, in his book “Dark Ages America – The Final Phases of Empire”, discusses Carter’s commitment to human rights as President:

Carter never stopped talking about the subject… He cut out aid to Argentina, Ethiopia, Uruguay, Chile, Nicaragua, Rhodesia, and Uganda because of human rights abuses.

Berman discusses the hopes engendered by Carter’s 1976 election to the Presidency and how the American people turned out not to be ready for that kind of change:

For a brief moment in American postwar history, the position of sanity found an echo… We would work for a more humane world order in our international relations, not seek merely to defeat an adversary; military solution would not come first; efforts would be made to reduce the sale of arms to developing countries…

But… the Carter morality was, within two years, heavily out of step with the return to the usual public demand for a more muscular and military foreign policy… Out-of-office cold warriors closed ranks, forming organizations such as the Committee on the Present Danger… Their goal – to revive the Cold War – was ultimately successful; Ronald Reagan and CIA-assisted torture in Central America were the inevitable results. And in the course of all this, a picture was formed of Jimmy Carter as weak, bungling, inept… That Carter would be perceived as weak, and presidents such as Reagan and Bush Jr. as strong, says a lot about who we are as a people…


The Carter “malaise” speech

Carter’s malaise speech of July 15, 1979, was one of the most unpopular acts of his unpopular presidency. It was unpopular largely because Carter suggested that Americans needed to learn to be satisfied with less material goods. Americans as a people (and perhaps most or all other peoples as well) don’t like to be told that they need to look within themselves to discover the source of their problems. They would much rather blame all their problems on external enemies. Jimmy Carter felt deeply that that attitude was dangerous and needed to be changed:

I want to speak to you first tonight about a subject even more serious than energy or inflation. I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy… (Our nation is experiencing) a crisis of confidence… It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation…

Too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption. Human identity is no longer defined by what one does, but by what one owns. But we’ve discovered that owning things and consuming things does not satisfy our longing for meaning…

We are at a turning point in our history… There are two paths to choose. One is a path I’ve warned about tonight, the path that leads to fragmentation and self-interest. Down that road lies a mistaken idea of freedom, the right to grasp for ourselves some advantage over others. That path would be one of constant conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility.


The relations between Carter’s malaise speech and our quest for Middle Eastern oil

I believe that Carter’s malaise speech is in need of some interpretation. There are certain things that U.S. politicians simply cannot say if they truly value their political future. So Jimmy Carter was trying to walk a fine line – trying to make a point that he considered to be of great importance, while at the same time trying not to commit political suicide.

As it turned out, though he tried to exercise some political caution, Jimmy Carter nevertheless crossed the line into political suicide. Andrew Bacevich, in his book “The Limits of Power – The End of American Exceptionalism” says of Carter’s malaise speech:

Carter then proceeded to kill any chance he had of securing reelection. In American political discourse, fundamental threats are by definition external. Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, or international communism could threaten the United States… That the actions of everyday Americans might pose a comparable threat amounted to rank heresy. Yet Carter now dared to suggest that the real danger to American democracy lay within.

To better understand the background for Carter’s speech, I believe that one needs to go back at least to 1953, the year that our CIA overthrew the popular Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh. Stephen Kinzer, in his book, “All the Shah’s Men – An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror”, describes the lasting effects of that tragedy:

In Iran, almost everyone has for decades known that the United States was responsible for putting an end to democratic rule in 1953 and installing what became the long dictatorship of Mohammad Reza Shah. His dictatorship produced the Islamic Revolution of 1979, which brought to power a passionately anti-American theocracy that embraced terrorism as a tool of statecraft. Its radicalism inspired anti-Western fanatics in many countries…

The violent anti-Americanism that emerged from Iran after 1979 shocked most people in the United States. Americans had no idea of what might have set off such bitter hatred in a country where they had always imagined themselves more or less well liked. That was because almost no one in the United States knew what the CIA did there in 1953.

In January 1979, just six months before Carter’s speech, anti-American revolutionaries had overthrown the Shah of Iran. Carter must have recognized his own role in the anti-American attitude of the Iranian revolutionaries, as he had been a firm supporter of the Shah. Perhaps he felt guilty about his support for the Shah, recognizing that that support was not fully consistent with his sincere passion for human rights.


My interpretation of Carter’s malaise speech

In any event, it was rapidly becoming obvious by 1979 that the Middle East posed a potential source of long term conflict for our country, so long as we felt the need and the moral right to intervene in Middle Eastern affairs as a consequence of our dependency on foreign oil. It seems to me that that was what Carter was trying to warn us against. I believe that that was what he meant when he spoke of “… a mistaken idea of freedom, the right to grasp for ourselves some advantage over others. That path would be one of constant conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility.”

And what about when Carter spoke of “a turning point in our history” and the “two paths” we had to choose from? I believe that those points can be looked at specifically in terms of our growing dependence on foreign oil. When it comes to that issue, there are basically three alternatives:

1) Use much less oil – which would mean any or all of the following:
 Make do with less
 Develop alternative, renewable (and cleaner) sources of energy
 Develop policies that are much more energy efficient

2) Develop more domestic sources of oil

3) Use our military to control the oil of other countries

Carter fully recognized the limitations of the 2nd and 3rd options. The second option was not realistic because we had already reached peak oil production in our country, and efforts to develop more would only lead to ever dwindling oil production at greater expense. And the third option was a formula for ever increasing military conflict, national debt, and a reputation as the world’s bully. It is quite clear that Carter greatly preferred option number 1 – and many actions of his presidency were directed in that direction.

Carter was intensely criticized for his malaise speech. Conservatives criticized it because it asked the American people to limit their consumption and their military prowess, and even many liberals criticized it because it was so politically ruinous.

I view it much differently. I believe that it was one of the most courageous speeches ever given by an American President. As Bacevich said, it helped to end Carter’s political career and earned him the ever-lasting hatred of many of the conservative leaders and war-mongers of our country. So perhaps it could be said that the speech was not politically astute. Perhaps it could be said that Carter overestimated the character of the American people. And certainly it could be said that the speech was a political disaster for Jimmy Carter.

But what Carter attempted to do was to lead the American people to a greater sense of purpose and a better future – for themselves, for all of humankind, and for future generations. He failed in that regard. But it was a heroic effort. He gave it his best shot, and he paid the ultimate political price.


The Reagan Presidency as the path that Carter warned us against

One major effect of the Reagan Presidency was to lead our domestic policies in a much more conservative direction – more specifically, to start us on a course of systematically dismantling FDR’s New Deal. He accomplished that under false pretenses. He led Americans to believe that it was to their benefit, when in reality it benefited only a small minority of Americans, led to skyrocketing national debt, a rapidly widening wealth gap, and a continuing reduction in standard of living for most Americans.

Bacevich describes Reagan’s basic foreign policy philosophy, especially with regard to Middle Eastern oil:

If developments in the Persian Gulf could adversely affect the American standard of living, then control of that region by anyone other than the United States had become intolerable.

Though Reagan, like Carter, bemoaned our escalating dependency on foreign oil, his approach to the problem was radically different. Bacevich explains:

In practice, however, they did next to nothing to curtail that dependence. Instead, they wielded U.S. military power to ensure access to oil, hoping thereby to prolong the empire of consumption’s lease on life.

In defense of his immense military spending, Reagan reassured Americans and the world:

The defense policy of the United States is based on a simple premise. The United States does not start fights. We will never be an aggressor. We maintain our strength in order to deter and defend against aggression – to preserve freedom and peace.

Bacevich explains the long-standing consequences of ingraining this myth in the psyche of the American people:

A new national security consensus emerged based on the conviction that the United States military could dominate the planet as Reagan had proposed to dominate outer space. In Washington, confidence that a high-quality military establishment, dexterously employed, could enable the United States, always with high-minded intentions, to organize the world to its liking had essentially become a self-evident truth. In this malignant expectation… lies the essence of the Reagan legacy.

And just as Reagan effected a change in the American psyche, that change affected the long term foreign policy of the United States:

Simply put, the United States would rely on military might to keep order in the Gulf and maintain the flow of oil, thereby mitigating the implications of American energy dependence. By the time that Reagan retired from office, this had become the basis for national security strategy in the region.


Obama’s great challenge

The American people in general, and Barack Obama as our new president, are now greatly burdened by this legacy. Bacevich places the dilemma in terms of the current day:

That Americans might shake the habit by choosing a different course remains even today a possibility that few are willing to contemplate seriously. After all, as George H. W. Bush declared in 1992, “The American way of life is not negotiable.” With nothing negotiable, dependency bred further dependency that took new and virulent forms. Each of Reagan’s successors relied increasingly on military power to sustain that way of life. The unspoken assumption has been that profligate spending on what politicians euphemistically refer to as “defense” can sustain profligate domestic consumption of energy… Unprecedented military might could defer the day of reckoning indefinitely – so at least the hope went.

How will Obama handle the current military expectations of our nation’s people? On the positive side of the ledger, Obama has proposed a comprehensive policy for developing alternative energy sources and improving energy efficiency. That is very encouraging indeed. I also see as very encouraging his early opposition to the Iraq War, and his stated intentions of withdrawing most of our military from Iraq as quickly as possible. Most encouraging of all, I firmly believe that, like Jimmy Carter, his heart is in the right place.

But notwithstanding all of this, Obama has shown very little tendency to question the predominant American dogma on the use of our military – that we have the right to intervene any time anywhere in the world if our “interests” are at stake.

It’s hard to fault him for that. It is quite possible that had he seriously questioned the prevailing American military paradigm during his presidential campaign, we would now be looking at 4-8 years of a McCain-Palin presidency. And undoubtedly, Obama will be under tremendous pressure not to change the prevailing paradigm. Yet, how good can an Obama presidency be if he fails to change current American attitudes towards the use of our military for imperial purposes?

I think that if Barack Obama is to make a significant contribution in this area he will need to combine the morality and courage of a Jimmy Carter with superior political skills. The pressure that he would face in trying to do this would no doubt be extremely intense and ugly, and he would be taking a huge political risk. I have to admit that I have no idea how this is going to play out. I am hopeful, yet in view of the unimaginable obstacles, not at all convinced. Good luck to you, President Obama!
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U.S. Democracy in Crisis
Time for change


The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
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