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Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Sat Nov 15th 2008, 02:39 PM
This whole situation, though typical of Bush administration actions connected with its “War on Terror”, absolutely reeks of Orwellian doublespeak and manipulation and disregard for the rule of law and human rights: The Bush administration received th
This story was difficult to piece together because of the intense secrecy pervading everything the Bush administration does. But thanks to the unstinting efforts of several human rights attorneys and other activists, a reasonably clear picture has emerged. This is just the latest of multiple abominations perpetrated by the Bush administration in pursuit of its “War on Terror”. It provides one more reason why the incoming Obama administration needs to do something about this as soon as it feasibly can.


How the Uyghurs came to be detained at Guantanamo Bay

The Uyghur people are a Muslim ethnic group from Central Asia who live primarily in a specific region of northwestern China. In China they are a persecuted minority.

Information on how more than 20 of them ended up in Guantanamo Bay comes mainly from interrogations and court documents: Apparently, as a result of persecution by the Chinese government, many of them fled China in 2001. Many of them subsequently ended up in Afghanistan, where they received military training, probably provided by the Taliban. When the U.S. military invaded Afghanistan in December 2001, many of the Uyghurs fled to Pakistan. Some of them were then picked up by bounty hunters and delivered to the U.S. Army, whereupon they were declared “unlawful enemy combatants” and sent to Guantanamo Bay, where they have remained imprisoned for several years.

Here is some testimony from one of the detainees, which explains his motives:

That is true, I went to Afghanistan. The reason is number one: I am scared of the torture from my home country. Second: if I go there I will get some training to fight back against the (deleted) government…

We have nothing to do with the Taliban or the Arabs. We have nothing to do with the U.S. government or coalition forces… I want you to understand what our goal is: just to fight against the (deleted) government.


Detention at Guantanamo Bay as “unlawful enemy combatants”

The Uyghurs were then held at Guantanamo Bay for approximately two years with the designation of “unlawful enemy combatants”, but they were not charged with any crimes, they were not given access to a lawyer, and their families were not notified of their whereabouts. Why the designation of “unlawful enemy combatant”? That’s the designation given by the Bush administration to anyone for whom they want to deny all legal and human rights. Though patently illegal under international law, Bush and his henchmen believe that the designation gives them some kind of excuse to do whatever they please with their prisoners.

Why is it so important to deny these prisoners access to a courtroom, lawyers, or their family? Jane Mayer, in her book, “The Dark Side – The Inside Story of How the War on Terror Turned into a War on American Ideals”, explains why. Because of the Bush administration’s penchant for abusing and torturing their prisoners, any lifting of the veil of secrecy is likely to embarrass them.

It all started with the first prisoner in George Bush’s “War on Terror”, John Walker Lindh, otherwise known as “The American Taliban”. At Lindh’s trial, numerous incidents of procedural misconduct came to light, and subsequently Lindh’s lawyer obtained a plea bargain whereby Lindh pleaded guilty to one non-terrorist related crime in return for the government dropping the other nine counts. Mayer describes the lessons that the Bush administration learned from its first prosecution of a “terrorist”:

What John Walker Lindh taught the Bush Administration was that open criminal trials under the strict rules of the American legal system were not worth the risk (of embarrassment to the Bush administration that is). In the future, enemy prisoners would have to be held safely outside the reach of U.S. law, where they could by questioned without legal interference and tried under rules more favorable to the prosecution – if they were tried at all.

But due to constant and aggressive pressure from civil rights organizations, the Bush administration was forced to make various concessions. After being held at Guantanamo without charges for almost two years, in 2003 the Bush administration was finally forced to reassess the status of the Uyghurs. The result was that the “unlawful enemy combatant” label was withdrawn from 15 of them, and they were cleared to go.

But they weren’t released. Nor were they even informed that they had been cleared of terrorism charges.


October 4th, 2008 court order to release the Uyghur detainees

Why weren’t the Uyghurs released after their “unlawful enemy combatant” status was withdrawn? The first reason that they weren’t released is that they would likely be executed or tortured or both if they were returned to China, and the Bush administration couldn’t find another country that would accept them. But why then couldn’t they be released into the United States?

Initially, the Bush administration presented no answer to that question. Consequently, lawyers for the detainees took the case to the District Court for the District of Columbia, to obtain their release. Subsequently, on October 4th, Judge Ricardo Urbina ordered their release.

An e-mail that I recently received from Amnesty International (AI) explained Judge Urbina’s reasoning:

Judge Urbina pointed out that it was the government that had taken the Uyghurs to Guantanamo; had not charged them with any crime or presented any "reliable evidence that they would pose a threat to US interests"; and it is the government that has "stymied" its own efforts to find a third country solution by labeling the Uyghurs until recently as "enemy combatants". Judge Urbina also noted that there were individuals and organizations ready and willing to support the Uyghurs upon resettlement in the USA "by providing housing, employment, money, education and other spiritual and social services".

Judge Urbina had asked the government what threat the Uyghurs would pose if released into the USA, but the government did not produce any evidence of such a threat.

Consequently, a U.S. Court of Appeals judge noted that:

The government had presented "no evidence" that the Uyghurs pose a threat to the US national security "or the safety of the community or any person". She added that the fact that one or more of the Uyghurs received training in firearms "cannot alone show they are dangerous, unless millions of United States resident citizens who had received firearms training are deemed to be dangerous".


Bush administration refusal to obey Judge Urbina’s court order

Subsequently, to avoid complying with the order of the District Court, the Bush administration obtained an emergency stay from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit to continue to detain the prisoners, pending their review of the case. The Bush administration has made several points in defense of their position:

The Imperial Presidency argument:

The US administration argues that Judge Urbina's order should be reversed because "unless otherwise authorized by law, no court has the power to review the Executive’s decision to exclude an alien from this country".

The “Uyghurs are dangerous” argument:

Now, in its bid to have the order overturned, it has portrayed the Uyghurs as dangerous individuals, who "sought to wage terror on a sovereign government" and who had received "weapons training" in Afghanistan after they fled there from China.

The immigration law / “national security” argument:

The government argues that even if the Uyghurs "were standing at the Nation's borders", they would likely not be allowed in on security grounds, under the broadly worded US immigration law.

And lastly, the Bush administration argues that releasing the Uyghurs into the U.S. could complicate its efforts to find another country to accept them. Amnesty International has an answer to that last argument:

The fact is, however, that any such efforts by the US State Department – unsuccessful for years – have already been undermined by the government’s own conduct – its prior labeling of the detainees as "enemy combatants" and its more recent campaign of innuendo labeling them as dangerous.


Conditions under which the Uyghurs are held at Guantanamo Bay

AI described the conditions under which the Uyghurs are currently detained:

In its briefs to the Court of Appeals, the government has painted a benign picture of the conditions in which the Uyghurs are now "housed"…

But while the Uyghurs' current conditions are less harsh than those they have endured previously… they are isolated from the outside world, surrounded by fencing and razor wire, monitored by armed guards and 24-hour camera surveillance, and with only a small space for recreation. They are shackled to the floor for visits with lawyers.

With respect to the last statement: One of the Uyghurs’ lawyers, after finally being allowed access to his clients, in later court testimony described one of his clients as “chained to the floor in a box with no windows”.

This is, however, a great improvement over the conditions under which they had previously been detained for several years.


Why is the Bush administration really so intent on continuing to imprison innocent people?

We don’t know for sure what the real reason is for the indefinite and illegal detention of the Uyghurs. But some clues are evident in a 58-page court filing of December 2006, by the Uyghurs’ lawyers. In that document the lawyers argued first that the Bush administration had never produced any evidence to suggest that the Uyghurs were guilty of anything, or any other evidence to support their continued detention. Furthermore:

The lawyers… allege in the court documents that their clients' detention was one of several demands the Chinese government solicited in mid-2002 as the United States was seeking global support for toppling Saddam Hussein…

“In the crisis atmosphere of the time, the interests of a few dozen refugees paled beside the urgency of the Administration's war plans," the lawsuit said. "The Iraq deal sealed the fate of the seven petitioners here. More than four years have passed. Long-discarded pawns in a diplomatic match between superpowers, petitioners today remain illegally imprisoned at Guantanamo."

Statements made by then Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage regarding his discussions with Chinese officials in 2002 lend considerable support to the allegations of the Uyghurs’ lawyers.


Concluding remarks

This whole situation, though typical of Bush administration actions connected with its “War on Terror”, absolutely reeks of Orwellian doublespeak and manipulation and disregard for the rule of law and human rights: The Bush administration received the Uyghurs from bounty hunters in 2001 and, rather than investigate the appropriateness of their detention, simply classified them all as “unlawful enemy combatants”, in order to justify their indefinite detention without charges, under inhumane conditions devoid of any human rights. Almost two years later, after being forced to review their status, the Bush administration cleared the majority of them of terrorist related activity and withdrew their label of “unlawful enemy combatant” – but continued to hold them in detention. After receiving a court order to release the detainees to the United States, in order to avoid complying with that order, the Bush administration applied for and received an emergency stay, based on claims that: 1) The Bush administration is not required to comply with court orders on this subject; 2) Though the Uyghurs have not been charged with any crime after almost 7 years of detention, they are nevertheless too dangerous to be released; 3) Releasing them into our country would violate our immigration laws and jeopardize our national security; and 4) Releasing them into the United States would jeopardize the Bush administration’s efforts to find another country to take them in – efforts which have been unsuccessful after 7 years of effort (or non-effort).

As bad as this is, it is not at all atypical of George Bush’s “War on Terror”. Though we have repeatedly been told that George Bush’s “War on Terror” prisoners are “the worst of the worst”, the facts tell a very different story: An investigation of the Abu Ghraib prison scandal concluded that “A lack of proper screening meant that many innocent Iraqis were being detained (in some cases indefinitely) and that 60% of civilian prisoners at Abu Ghraib were deemed not to be a threat to society”; The International Red Cross said that between 70 percent and 90 percent of the persons deprived of their liberty in Iraq had been arrested by mistake; a study of our Guantanamo Bay detainees, using our government’s own records, found that 60% of our detainees at Guantanamo were thrown into prison for an indefinite period of time without charges or trial merely because they were claimed to be “associated with” a group or groups that our government asserts to be a terrorist organization (only 8% were deemed to be associated with al Qaeda), and; a CIA intelligence analyst who was summoned to Guantanamo Bay to discover why the CIA was able to obtain so little useful information from its detainees:

concluded that an estimated one third of the prison camp’s population of more than 600 captives… had no connection to terrorism whatsoever. If the intelligence haul was meager, his findings suggested, one reason was that many of the detainees knew little or nothing… Many, he felt sure, “were just caught in a dragnet. They were not fighters… They should not have been there…. By imprisoning innocent Muslims indefinitely, outside the reach of any legal review", he said, “I thought we were going to lose a whole damn generation” in the Arab world… Guantanamo was making the world more dangerous…"

Discuss (5 comments) | Recommend (+11 votes)
U.S. Democracy in Crisis
Time for change


The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
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