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THE UNFULFILLED PROMISE
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion (1/22-2007 thru 12/14/2010)
Sat Nov 29th 2008, 10:56 PM
In other words, parents can’t successfully teach their children not to be violent by violently abusing them for their transgressions. By the same token, a nation can’t combat terrorism by becoming the greatest source of terrorism in the world.
As the Bush/Cheney presidency is about to end, it is important to consider its legacy with respect to its “War on Terrorism”, if for no other reason than that President Obama and our new Congress will inherit the results of that tragic legacy and have to decide what to do about it.

This post considers three major issues related to that legacy: 1) the numerous breaches of international and U.S. Constitutional and domestic law with respect to the Bush administration’s treatment of its prisoners, especially its torture policies and its insistence on indefinite and prolonged incarceration, while refusing to allow its prisoners even the most basic human right of habeas corpus – i.e. the right to challenge the justification for their incarceration; 2) the Iraq War and occupation; and 3) the consequences of their “War on Terror”.

I have discussed these issues in detail in several previous posts: I’ve detailed the rotten core of the Bush/Cheney torture program. I’ve discussed the major court decisions bearing on the many illegalities of the Bush/Cheney detainee policies. I’ve provided a detailed timeline that illustrates the fraudulent basis for the Iraq War. I’ve discussed many of the tragic consequences of the Iraq War from the point of view of the Iraqis. And I’ve discussed the many overall failures of the Bush/Cheney “War on Terror”.

In this post I summarize many of these issues, mainly through quoting investigative journalists who have studied them extensively.


The loss of American’s soul by its abandonment of the rule of law

Jane Mayer’s book, “The Dark Side – The Inside Story of How the War on Terror Turned Into a War on American Ideals”, investigates the roots and consequences of the Bush/Cheney administration’s decision to abandon the rule of law in pursuit of its “War on Terror”. In the last few pages of her book, Mayer summarizes these issues:

What began on September 11, 2001, as a battle for America’s security became, and continues to be, a battle for the country’s soul… Almost from the start, and at every turn along the way, the Bush administration was warned that the short-term benefits of its extralegal approach to fighting terrorism would have tragically destructive long-term consequences both for the rule of law and America’s interests in the world. These warnings came not just from political opponents, but also from… experts in the traditionally conservative military and the FBI… and a series of loyal Republican lawyers inside the administrations itself…

Instead of heeding this well-intentioned dissent, however, the Bush Administration invoked the fear flowing form the attacks on September 11 to institute a policy of deliberate cruelty… In the name of protecting national security, the executive branch sanctioned coerced (through torture) confessions, extrajudicial detention, and other violations of individuals’ liberties that had been prohibited since the country’s founding. They turned the Justice Departments’s Office of Legal Counsel into a political instrument…

Seven years later, the Bush Administration’s counterterrorism policies remained largely frozen in place… The legal framework survives despite nearly universal bipartisan acceptance outside of the Bush Administration that Guantanamo should be shut down, that the military commission process was hopelessly flawed, and that the human rights violations at Abu Ghraib and elsewhere were not the work of a few “rotten apples” on the bottom, but rather the result of irresponsible leadership at the top. In fact torture… seemed in danger of becoming normalized…

Blatant corruption and immorality in the conduct of its illegal policies
The administration’s detainee policies were not just illegal. I would say that the corruption and immorality of their policies were such as to shock the conscience of mankind. These excerpts are a continuation of Mayer’s last chapter summary:

The military commission process was clearly plagued by problems to the point of dysfunction. One stalwart official after another has stepped forward with astounding accusations of impropriety… For example, the former top prosecutor in the Office of Military Commissions disclosed that the Pentagon had pressured him to time “sexy” prosecutions for political advantage, and to use evidence against the detainees that he considered tainted by torture. After resigning in protest, the prosecutor also disclosed that when he suggested to Jim Haynes, the General Counsel at the Pentagon, that a few acquittals might enhance Guantanamo’s reputation for fair treatment, as had been true of the war crimes trials of the Nazis in Nuremberg, Haynes was horrified. “We can’t have acquittals! We’ve got to have convictions! … If we’ve been holding these guys for so long, how can we explain letting them get off?” …

Despite Bush’s vows to hold the perpetrators accountable after Abu Ghraib, as of the spring of 2008 no senior Bush Administration official had been prosecuted or removed from office in connection with the abuse of prisoners. By then… Human Rights Watch estimated that more than 600 U.S. military and civilian personnel were involved in abusing more than 460 detainees… If Bush or Cheney regretted the uncounted deaths, disappearances, and torment of prisoners in their administration’s custody, or the false intelligence and contaminated prosecutions that these tactics produced, they didn’t express it…. As Major General Antonio Taguba (who was tasked with investigating the Abu Ghraib scandal) told The New Yorker, “I was legally prevented from further investigation into higher authority. I was limited to a box”.


The Iraq War

The Iraq War has been an integral part of the Bush/Cheney “War on Terror”. Though the Bush administration had begun planning for it well before the 9/11 attacks, those attacks allowed Bush and Cheney to manufacture the evidence they needed to justify their war.

Iraqi deaths
Judith Coburn, in an article titled “Unnamed and Unnoticed”, decries how the U.S. media has ignored Iraqi casualties caused by our invasion and occupation:

It’s hardly surprising that the Pentagon is loath to tell us how many innocent Iraqis it has killed. It’s a political issue. Early in the war, the Iraqi Health Ministry ordered morgues and hospitals to count the number of war dead and wounded coming in. … But the American Occupation’s Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) ordered them to stop counting…

Available figures, incomplete as they are, are staggering for a guerrilla war… Reliable sources …. Sources like… American epidemiologists… estimated in a study published in October 2004, in the British medical journal the Lancet that 100,000 Iraqis might have died in the war by September 2004 (More recent figures surpass a million dead Iraqis).

Why so many deaths?

American military tactics have inflicted unnecessary suffering on civilians… Human Rights Watch… has done two detailed research reports on some of these patterns. The October 2003 report “Hearts and Minds” charged that American soldiers often used “indiscriminate force”, especially at checkpoints after insurgent bombings, and also in raids on civilian houses, causing many civilian casualties. Few of these injuries to civilians are investigated by the military...

Particularly vicious weapons (cluster munitions) which pepper victims with shrapnel so small that the shards shred flesh and are impossible to remove, are being used in Iraqi cities. They can maim long after their original use. The unexploded bomblets remain live and often go off in the hands of children…

Besides cluster munitions, a new and improved version of napalm, the Vietnam War's other most grisly weapon, and its chemical cousin white phosphorous, have been used by American forces in Iraq, a fact known to few Americans because our media has barely reported on the subject. The Pentagon has admitted that it used napalm near the Kuwaiti border during the invasion, though the use seems to have been more widespread than the Pentagon said.

Tom Engelhardt, in an article titled “Degrading Behavior – The Middle East and the Barbarism of War from the Air”, describes our air war against Iraq:

We have loosed our air power regularly on the countryside of Afghanistan, and especially on rebellious urban areas of Iraq in “targeted” and “precise” attacks on insurgent concentrations and “al Qaeda safe houses” largely without comment or criticism. In the process, significant parts of two cities in a country we occupied and supposedly “liberated” were reduced to rubble and everywhere civilians were blown away without our media paying much attention at all.

Destroying Iraq’s cultural patrimony
Chalmers Johnson, in an article titled “Robbing the Cradle of Civilization” describes the robbing and destruction of Iraq’s cultural heritage:

In archaeological circles, Iraq is known as "the cradle of civilization," with a record of culture going back more than 7,000 years… It was there, in what the Greeks called Mesopotamia, that life as we know it today began: there people first began to speculate on philosophy and religion, developed concepts of international trade, made ideas of beauty into tangible forms, and, above all developed the skill of writing.

Under the complacent eyes of the U.S. Army, the Iraqis would begin to lose that heritage in a swirl of looting and burning…Nowhere was this failure more apparent than in the indifference – even the glee – shown by Rumsfeld and his generals toward the looting on April 11 and 12, 2003, of the National Museum in Baghdad and the burning on April 14, 2003, of the National Library and Archives as well as…

But why did this happen?

Given the black market value of ancient art objects, U.S. military leaders had been warned that the looting of all thirteen national museums throughout the country would be a particularly grave danger in the days after they captured Baghdad and took control of Iraq… In monetary terms, the illegal trade in antiquities is the third most lucrative form of international trade globally, exceeded only by drug smuggling and arms sales…. All this was known to American commanders…

A more ominous indicator of things to come was reported in the April 14, 2003, London Guardian: Rich American collectors with connections to the White House were busy "persuading the Pentagon to relax legislation that protects Iraq's heritage by prevention of sales abroad." On January 24, 2003… met with Bush administration and Pentagon officials to argue that a post-Saddam Iraq should have relaxed antiquities laws. Opening up private trade in Iraqi artifacts, they suggested, would offer such items better security than they could receive in Iraq… Random checks of Western soldiers leaving Iraq led to the discovery of several in illegal possession of ancient objects. Customs agents in the U.S. then found more…. None of these objects has as yet been sent back to Baghdad…

As we now know, the American forces made no effort to prevent the looting of the great cultural institutions of Iraq, its soldiers simply watching vandals enter and torch the buildings… Our troops, who have been proudly guarding the Oil Ministry, where no window is broken, deliberately condoned these horrendous events… During the battle for Baghdad, the U.S. military was perfectly willing to dispatch some 2,000 troops to secure northern Iraq's oilfields…

The U.S. military chose the land immediately adjacent to the ziggurat to build its huge Tallil Air Base… They completely ruined the area, the literal heartland of human civilization, for any further archaeological research or future tourism…

The Iraqi refugee crisis
As Iraq has become a living hell (outside of the U.S. protected “Green Zone”, that is), it is not surprising that Iraqis by the millions have been displaced from their homes. Dahr Jamail describes this tragedy in an article titled “The Iraqi Crisis that Has No Name

Iraq is producing one of the – if not the – most severe refugee crises on the planet… Between 1 million and 1.2 million Iraqis have fled across the border into Syria; about 750,000 have crossed into Jordan; at least another 150,000 have made it to Lebanon; over 150,000 have emigrated to Egypt; and over 1.9 million are now estimated to have been internally displaced by civil war and sectarian cleansing within Iraq… The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) budget for Iraqis in Syria in 2006 was… less than one dollar per refugee crossing the border.

According to UNHCR’s best estimates about 12% of Iraq’s population, now assumed to be about 24 million people, will be displaced by the end of 2007… Add to that Iraq’s growing population of internal refugees and its spiraling civilian death tolls and you have the kind of decimation of a nation rarely seen – with undoubtedly more to come…

Yet President Bush and his top officials have taken no significant steps whatsoever to share in the resulting refugee burden. To date, the administration has issued only 466 visas to Iraqis…

A 46-year-old mother … told me her story, all too typical of civilian life in the Iraqi capital today. “I was injured”, she said, “because I was near a car bomb, which killed my daughter… America is the reason why Iraq was invaded, so we would like the American administration to give aid to us refugees… I would like people to read this and tell Bush to help us.”

A brief summary of the lasting results of the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq
James Carroll’s “House of War – The Pentagon and the Disastrous Rise of American Power” is a history of the Pentagon. Although he doesn’t deal with Bush’s “War on Terror” until the last couple of chapters of his book, his summary of it is perhaps the best I’ve ever read. Here are some selected excerpts relating to the Iraq War:

Each of the reasons offered for the subsequent war against Iraq turned out, in succession, to be false. No weapons of mass destruction. No link between Saddam Hussein and 9/11. No authentic U.S. concern for democracy… the ongoing American refusal to seriously reconsider its action, even as the justifications for the war were exposed, one after the other, as lies.

In Afghanistan and Iraq, new levels of sectarianism, ethnic conflict, warlordism, drug trafficking, and radical Islamism were all evident in the broader context of destroyed infrastructure, widespread malnourishment, and obliterated civil society. Bush administration officials crowed that girls could at last attend schools as equals, without acknowledging that, with rare exceptions… there were no schools for anyone to attend.

In Iraq, despite America’s overwhelming military might, there will be no winning, ever. Whether the U.S. occupation is terminated abruptly or is maintained for years, violence and mayhem will define Iraq indefinitely, while the rest of the Middle East copes with Iraqi-spawned waves of chaos. Radical Muslim holy warriors, meanwhile, have been multiplied by the American war, empowered by it, trained by it, and dispatched around the globe. When bombs went off in London in July 2005, subways and buses represented only another front in the unnecessary war George W. Bush began… Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and the rest have on their hands the blood of those Londoners, the blood of each young American killed, and the blood of many thousands of Iraqis – all those who have died and will die in that misbegotten war…


The consequences of the Bush/Cheney “War on Terror”

The abdication of American leadership
The abdication of American leadership is a good place to start in summarizing the consequences of the “War on Terror”, since many of its other negative consequences stem from that one consequence.

David Rothkopf’s “Running the World – The Inside Story of the National Security Council and the Architects of American Power” is, in my opinion a rather dry recounting of U.S. NSC policy since its inception in 1947. But his writing suddenly becomes passionate in the last few pages of his book, as he discusses how George Bush’s “War on Terror” has virtually eliminated U.S. moral authority and therefore caused the abdication of our leadership role in the world. Speaking of terrorists or of anyone else who would challenge American power, Rothkopf says:

Today they have the additional argument that America imposes its will on the world, that we have a double standard, that we do not require facts and resort to lies to undercut the international order, and that we act not in the interest of justice but… In short, through a series of bad judgments… we have undercut the moral authority of American global leadership… Damage has been done that will take years to repair.

In so doing, we have opened the door to a greater danger while pursuing a lesser one. We have called into question the legitimacy of our claim to leadership, and the reasons we have done so are rooted in a breakdown at the center of the decision-making processes that were developed to help ensure an opposite result….Paul Wolfowitz and his associates have written papers in the past about understanding, identifying, and eliminating threats to future U.S. supremacy in the world. They seem to have made the mistake of assuming that such threats would come in the form of the rise of rivals with measurable advantages economically or militarily, that is, traditional sources of power. What they have failed to acknowledge is that … our greatest vulnerability by far is linked to the legitimacy of our leadership. No nation is in a better position to undercut our legitimacy, and thus our ability to lead, than we are.

Jean Mayer makes similar points towards the end of her book:

According to one former official who traveled extensively through the Middle East, no subject was described by Muslims he spoke with as more deeply disturbing than American’s abuse of the detainees. The former top adviser on science and technology to the Director of National Intelligence worries that prisoner abuse has profoundly hurt what he defines as the most important battle in the war on terror – the struggle to win the support of the next generation of Arab youth…

By many estimates, by the end of the Bush years, America’s reputation as a lead defender of democracy and human rights was in tatters. According to the Pew Global Attitudes Project, in June 2006, public opinion in two countries in the world supported the U.S. war on terror – India and Russia… Even the most dependable of U.S. allies, including … the European Union, by 2008 had all accused the United States of violating internationally accepted standards for humane treatment and due process. Canada went so far as to place American on its official list of rogue countries that torture…

Putting our own military personnel and leaders at risk of prosecution
James Carroll makes the point that our abusive treatment of our prisoners puts our military and its leaders at risk of prosecution for war crimes:

The International Criminal Court (ICC), just coming into existence as America’s war on terrorism was mobilized, was an institutionalizing of ad hoc entities that had brought to justice genocidal culprits… The ICC, fulfilling the desire to replace revenge with adjudication, had its origin in the America-sponsored Nuremberg trials after World War II. Nothing embodied the genius of postwar American statesmanship more completely than this new court, and it would have been the best place to make world-historic cases against Al Qaeda, Saddam Hussein, and anyone else who defied the norms of international order. George W. Bush, in one of his first acts as president, “unsigned” the ICC Treaty…

That the Pentagon regarded itself as a ready target of ICC prosecution seemed paranoid until revelations that American soldiers routinely abused prisoners in Iraq and that high Pentagon officials unilaterally rejected norms for the treatment of prisoners of war that had been set by the Geneva Convention. The jails of Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo were emblems of a new Pentagon lawlessness, but those revelations barely scratched the surface of a system of legally dubious incarcerations that involved more than eleven thousand detainees held in mostly secret locations around the world, places referred to in classified documents as “black sites”…

Putting ourselves at risk for nuclear attack
Isn’t it ironic that our “War on Terror” has greatly heightened our vulnerability to nuclear attack, when our main bogus excuse for invading Iraq was to preempt that risk? James Carroll explains how the Bush administration has greatly increased the likelihood of nuclear war:

Under Donald Rumsfeld, the Pentagon embarked in 2002 on the stunning project of developing a new generation of nuclear weapons… The effect of all this… is to legitimize nuclear-based politics, giving other nations, friend and foe alike, compelling reasons to acquire a nuclear capacity, if only for deterrence, and prompting them to behave in similar ways. That pattern was fully evident in Iran and North Korea, beginning almost immediately after the launching of the Global War on Terror, and the pattern promises to show itself in “nuclear-capable states” like Brazil, Argentina, Egypt, Australia, South Africa, and others that long ago renounced nuclear ambitions. Meanwhile, Russia, China, Israel, India, and Pakistan are all furiously adding to their nuclear arsenal. The Pentagon has become the engine of proliferation.

We come to what amounts to an ultimate betrayal by the national security establishment of its most solemn obligation, which is to provide for national security. The probing of questions about government failures before September 11, 2001, is meaningless when measured against the new jeopardy into which America was plunged by the war that Bush embarked upon… In late 2003, Donald Rumsfeld said, in an internal Pentagon memo, “We lack the metrics to know if we are winning or losing the Global War on Terror.” This odd assessment from a Secretary of Defense… actually reflects the Pentagon’s interest in an open-ended war. Permanent war means permanent martial dominance…

The utter failure to bring the perpetrators of 9/11 to justice
Carroll explains how Bush’s decision to invade Afghanistan failed to produce any positive results:

After 9/11… there were plausible reasons for targeted attacks against Al Qaeda training sites in Afghanistan, but they were superseded by the need for a bigger response… Instead of going after bin Laden’s cabal with an internationally coordinated law enforcement effort, nothing would do but a large-scale act of war… American bombers began raining destruction on the villages and towns of the most primitive country on the globe. Meanwhile, the elusive Al Qaeda slipped away… The demonized bin Laden himself disappeared. George W. Bush, with a sledgehammer the only tool in his bag, had brought it down on the table, aiming at the mosquito. The mosquito got away, but the table was destroyed…

Jane Mayer discusses the ineffectiveness of Bush’s illegal and barbarous methods, their failure to produce anything of value, and the likelihood that these methods have made us less, not more safe.

In 2006, a scientific advisory group to the U.S. intelligence agencies produced an exhaustive report on interrogation… which concluded that there was no scientific proof whatsoever that harsh techniques worked… Several of the experts involved in the study described the infliction of physical and psychological cruelty as outmoded, amateurish, and unreliable… Several of those with inside information about the NSA’s controversial Terrorist Surveillance Program have expressed similar disenchantment. As one of these former officials says of the ultra-secret program… “It’s produced nothing.”…

As of May 2008, both Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri remained at large. The government’s own statistics showed that both the number of terrorist attacks and the estimation of the threat posed by Al Qaeda were growing… If this trend continues, threats to U.S. interests at home and abroad will become more diverse, leading to increasing attacks worldwide…

Seven years after the attacks of September 11, not a single terror suspect held outside of the U.S. criminal court system has been tried. Of the 759 detainees acknowledged to have been held in Guantanamo, approximately 340 remained there, only a handful of whom had been charged. Among these, not a single “enemy combatant” had yet had the opportunity to cross-examine the government or see the evidence on which he was being held…

An answer to the ridiculous right wing argument that Bush and Cheney kept us safe from terrorism
During the Bush/Cheney presidency, a large assortment of right wing talking heads, including those who pretended to be neutral and unbiased, such as Tim Russert, made the ridiculous assertion to their guests that (I’m paraphrasing here) “Well, whether you agree with Bush’s policies or not, you have to admit that he’s done quite a job of keeping us safe from terrorism – We haven’t had a single attack on U.S. soil since 9/11”.

Yep, that’s right. That makes George Bush one of only 42 Presidents in U.S. history who did not allow a single major attack on U.S. soil on his watch since the last one that occurred on his watch. And furthermore, he is one of only 42 U.S. Presidents who did not allow more than a single major attack on U.S. soil during his whole Presidency.

In fact, one could argue that he ranks 41st or 42nd among all U.S. presidents for preventing the occurrence of major attacks on U.S. soil. It all depends on which you consider a worse attack on our country: The British invasion of our nation’s capital of 1814 or the 9/11 attacks on our nation’s capital and New York City. Either way, anyone who tries to spin that as an impressive record is either not thinking straight or not being honest.

Yet it’s been repeated so many times that most Americans believe that George Bush’s record on protecting us against terrorism is his greatest achievement, and by extension they believe that Republicans are better than Democrats in protecting us against terrorism. When will that absurd myth ever be put to rest?


Who are the terrorists?

I’ll conclude this post by bringing up an issue that I think is crucial for Americans to understand as a prerequisite for peace in our world, and yet which way too many Americans don’t understand.

Describing the Iraq War for what it is – a war of imperialism, supported by repeated acts of terrorism against the Iraqi people – carries the potential to steer the dialogue in a different direction. A different kind of dialogue is badly needed in order to help Americans to see both the “War on terrorism” and the occupation of Iraq for what they are – which would facilitate an end to both of those wars.

Edward Herman and David Peterson explain that concept like this, in their article, “Who Terrorizes Whom?”:

By taking it as the starting premise that the United States is only a victim of terrorism, one loses the opportunity to educate people to a fundamental truth about terrorism and even implicitly denies that truth in order to be “practical”. We find that we can’t do that… We consider the idea of the United States as an anti-terrorist state a sick joke…

We believe it is of the utmost importance to contest the hegemonic agenda that makes the U.S. and its allies only the victims of terror, not terrorists and sponsors of terror. This is a matter of establishing basic truth, but also providing the long- run basis for systemic change that will help solve the problem of "terrorism"… Given the current trajectory of world events, we believe that we need a greater focus on ALL the terrorists and sponsors of terror.

In other words, parents can’t successfully teach their children not to be violent by violently abusing them for their transgressions. By the same token, a nation can’t combat terrorism by becoming the greatest source of terrorism in the world.
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The Unfulfilled Promise
The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream: The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals




Time for change


Notwithstanding the lofty sentiments and purpose of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the reality of the United States of America did not then – and never has – lived up to its ideal. Our nation remains today a long way from fulfilling the promise implied by those ideals. Yet, our Declaration was a great start, and it has long shone as a beacon of hope for people all over the world.

Throughout our history, while many have striven to close the gap between our highest ideals and the reality of our nation, others have focused on the accumulation of private wealth and power, at the expense of everyone else. In recent decades the latter have gained much ground, leading to increasing imperialism abroad and deteriorating democracy at home, characterized by routine (and legal) bribery of our public officials, the fusion of government and private corporate interests (corporatocracy), a corrupt election system largely in the hands of private corporations, a corporate controlled communications media, and the widespread acceptance of Executive Branch secrecy, routinely justified with little if any questioning, by the magic words “national security”. All of this is rapidly turning our country from the democracy proclaimed at our founding into a plutocracy (government by the wealthy and for the wealthy). The result is the most obscene wealth gap our country has ever known, the highest imprisonment rate in the world, rampant militarism, routine flaunting of international law, the least efficient health care system in the developed world, a pending environmental catastrophe that threatens to destroy the life sustaining forces of our planet, and myriad other problems that threaten to destroy our nation and tyrannize our people.

My new book, The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream – The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals, explores the roots and consequences of the demise of our democracy, and why most Americans have been unable to understand this process or even become aware of it. A good understanding of why and how we have deviated so greatly from the ideals of our nation is the first and necessary step towards getting back on the right track and revitalizing our society.

The book is currently being sold in electronic PDF format and can be purchased at http://www.unfulfilledpromise.com/Buy-the-... for $3.99. It will also soon be available in Amazon Kindle format. DU members who cannot afford to buy the book but would like to read it can pm me with your e-mail address, and I will send you a free PDF copy.

I’ve previously posted on DU a slightly earlier version of the introduction to the book, which is also posted at my site. Here is the Table of Contents, followed by a brief description of the three parts of the book:


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Acknowledgements
Prologue – What is Wrong with the United States of America?

Part I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy
Chapter 1 – Legalized Bribery
Chapter 2 – Human Psychological Factors
Chapter 3 – Corporatocracy
Chapter 4 – Corporate Control of Media
Chapter 5 – Corrupt Election System
Chapter 6 – Government Secrecy
Chapter 7 – American Exceptionalism

Part II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions
Chapter 8 – Slavery and its Legacy
Chapter 9 – Early U.S. Imperialism
Chapter 10 – U.S. Imperialism in Cold War
Chapter 11 – Iraq War and Occupation
Chapter 12 – Afghanistan War

Part III – Consequences
Chapter 13 – Election of George W. Bush
Chapter 14 – War and Imperialism
Chapter 15 – Class Warfare
Chapter 16 – Predator Financial Class
Chapter 17 – Shock Therapy
Chapter 18 – Contempt for Int. Law
Chapter 19 – The “War on Drugs”
Chapter 20 – Climate Change
Chapter 21 – “War on Terror”
Chapter 22 – Health Care
Chapter 23 – Unaccountable government
Chapter 24 – Response to 9/11 Attacks
Epilogue


PART I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy

It is somewhat difficult to separate the causes of our problems from their consequences, since they combine to form a long chain of cause leading to consequence, leading to more consequences, etcetera. Nevertheless, it seems worth while to identify the root causes of our problems, those that occur early in the chain and lead to so many of the tragic consequences we see today. The only chance we have of reversing the demise of our democracy is through addressing and attacking its root causes.

At the top of the list is the systematic bribery of public officials by the powerful corporations (Chapter 1) whom our government is charged with regulating in the public interest. Instead of calling it bribery, we call it “campaign contributions”, but what we call it isn’t as important as what it is. It is hard to fathom how democracy can survive when such a practice is legal and condoned.

Working in tandem with our system of legalized bribery is the nature of the people who inhabit our country. That is not to say that Americans are inherently substantially different than any other people. Human beings are imperfect, and that is probably a major reason why in a world where civilization began more than five millennia ago, the oldest written national framework of government in the world today – the Constitution of the United States of America – is only a little more than two and a quarter centuries old. Chapter 2 explores the roles of basic human needs, authoritarianism, psychological defense mechanisms used to prevent us from perceiving reality as it is rather than as we’d like it to be, and corrupted ideologies in causing us to passively accept the accumulation of power in the hands of ambitious and ruthless individuals who care about little else than expanding their own wealth and power.

When bribery of public officials is tolerated as an inevitable aspect of public life, government inevitably grows close to the wealthy interests that shower it with money in return for legislative and other favors. A malevolent symbiosis grows between the state and corporate power, resulting in rule by an oligarchy that is highly detrimental to the lives of ordinary people (Chapter 3). Using their accumulated wealth and power to manipulate our legislative process, the oligarchy grabs for more and more control of the communications media (Chapter 4) that are used to control the information available to and shape the attitudes of our nation’s people, in pursuit of their own narrow interests.

Since the 1980s an orchestrated campaign has been underway to demonize “big government”, thereby paving the way for private corporate control over more and more functions that were previously deemed intrinsic functions of government. Among those functions is the running of public elections (Chapter 5) – the function that symbolizes democracy perhaps more than any other single function. Consequently, the purging of selected registered voters from our computerized voter rolls has become a routine recurring event throughout much of our country, and without a doubt determined the results of the 2000 – and probably 2004 as well – presidential election. Just as bad, more and more of the counting of votes in our public elections have been turned over to private corporations, which count our votes using electronic machines using secret software to produce vote counts that cannot be verified by anyone.

Bribery, the fusion of government and private interest, fake and biased news, and corrupt elections are not things that government and its corporate allies want us to know about. Consequently, they construct walls of secrecy (Chapter 6) to keep us from obtaining information that sheds light on their activities. The perfect phrase for facilitating this is “national security”. When our government tells us that the “national security” requires that certain things be kept secret from us, the understanding is that to question such a pronouncement is unpatriotic, and to actually attempt to obtain the “secret” information may be treasonous.

But indefinitely maintaining secrets from the American people can be very difficult, because at least some people want to know what their government is up to. So in addition to the formal mechanisms of secrecy, informal mechanisms are constructed (Chapter 7) to keep vital information away from us. One of the primary methods for doing this is to make certain sensitive subjects taboo – that is, to create the widespread belief that discussion of these topics is so outside the bounds of acceptable human discourse that anyone who discusses them should be shunned by society, or worse. The most common issue that falls into this category is any discussion that sheds light on the disparity between American ideals and the reality of life in our country today.


PART II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions in U.S. History

Notwithstanding the fact that our founding document says that “all men are created equal” and speaks of the inalienable rights of humankind, the United States has throughout its history partaken of massive exploitation of other peoples.

It is estimated that at the time of our birth, 18% of our population was black slaves. In our expansion westwards during the late 18th and 19th centuries, we decimated the original inhabitants of our continent, and often treated them with great cruelty. In 1846 we manufactured an excuse for war with our neighbor Mexico, in which we continued to expand our country westwards and southwards. In 1893 we began our overseas imperialism with the conquest of Hawaii. Our overseas expansion was greatly accelerated in 1898 with our participation in the Spanish-American War, which led to our conquest of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. With our arrival at world superpower status at the end of World War II, we began the Cold War, which led to and served as a rationalization for covert and/or direct military actions against myriad foreign nations over the next 46 years. With the September 11, 2001 attacks on our country, we declared a perpetual “War on Terror”, which served and continues to serve as an excuse to invade and occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, nations that posed no threat to us. We do not know when or if this perpetual war will ever end. We don’t know how many additional imperial conquests it will lead to.

Most Americans don’t think much about all this. Many of these actions are done in secrecy, and the American people don’t find out about them until many years later – or we never find out about them at all. Those that we do know about are spun into the most favorable light, to make them seem benign or even noble.

But these actions come at great costs: in the lives of our soldiers; in the ruined lives of the peoples of the victim countries; in trillions of dollars cost to our people and their future generations; in our international reputation; in anti-American hatred leading to terrorism; and, to our democracy itself. For how can a nation claim to believe in the inalienable rights of humankind specified in its founding document, while making a mockery of that belief in the way it treats other peoples? For that reason alone it is worth while to take a brief look at our long history of imperialist actions.


PART III – Consequences

In the Prologue I give a brief account of what I see as some of the worst and tragic consequences of the root causes that I discuss in Part I – to enable the reader to see where this book is heading. When elections of our public officials are for sale to the highest bidder… when our public officials are so addicted to the “campaign contributions” of their wealthiest constituents that they develop a symbiotic relationship with them… when our communications media are owned and controlled by an oligarchy of wealthy elites… when our citizenry lack the ability to differentiate propaganda from reality… when we allow machines provided by private corporations to count our votes using secret electronic software… then we should expect that the consequences will not be pretty or comfortable for the vast majority of our citizens.

In Part III, I explore those consequences in much greater detail, in the hope that the reader will agree with me that these are very serious problems, and that they must be successfully addressed if our country is ever to fulfill the promise of its ideals, or even make progress in that direction. When enough Americans recognize our problems as problems, stripped of the gloss and spin put on them by our oligarchy, they will rise up and do something about them. Until then there will be no progress, and we are very likely to head in the direction of all the former empires of our planet, ending in chaos, widespread catastrophe, suffering, and ignominy.

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