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Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Sat Jan 10th 2009, 04:28 PM
Why are so many subjects “unmentionable” in US politics? Because if people talk about them too much they could disrupt the carefully constructed reality that the GAME’s masters have foisted on us. And then people would stop playing the GAME.
About five months ago I wrote an article for DU titled “Unmentionable Things in U.S. Politics”. It started with this paragraph:

There are numerous things that absolutely cannot be mentioned by American politicians because they are …. well, “embarrassing to our country”. Mere mention of these things brings down the wrath of conservative pundits and moderates as well, and even some who consider themselves to be liberal or progressive. The wrath is likely to be so intense that few U.S. politicians dare mention these things because of the risk of being booted out of office – or worse. Three such things are: 1. the stealing of a U.S. presidential election; 2. referring to American military or covert actions as immoral, rather than merely as “misguided”; and, 3. imputing bad intentions, rather than mere incompetence, onto a U.S. president.

I then went on to give several examples, and I ended the post by talking about what I considered to be the bad consequences to our country’s of refusal to shine the light of day on these things.

Since then, I’ve thought a lot about this. Why? Partly because it’s a very interesting puzzle to me, but more important is the fact that I find the whole thing terribly repressive. What’s repressive is not that I and my fellow DUers can’t mention these things. As a matter of fact, we do so all the time – and thus far I’ve suffered no ill effects from it, except that sometimes when I try to talk to even my liberal friends outside of DU about them they think I’m a little loony. But no big deal.

What’s repressive about it is that our elected representatives don’t mention these things either. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and they fail to even talk about some of the very most important issues. There are some rare courageous exceptions, like Dennis Kucinich and Cynthia McKinney, but I get the impression that even they are muzzled to a significant extent.

Anyhow, as I said, I’ve been thinking a lot about this. Mainly I’ve been thinking about what is the reason for so many unmentionable things. And it’s occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. One of the prerequisites of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.


Some questions and those who have provided some answers

I’ve read a great many books that have touched on the GAME in one way or another (though they don’t call it by that name), and some books that attempt to zero in on it. Needless to say, there is a tremendous amount of difference of opinion, even among those who seem to have some kind of a handle on the GAME. It’s so hard to know what to make of it all. About all I can say of the GAME’s purpose is that I’m almost certain that it is very nefarious. That’s why the GAME’s supervisors go to such length to hide the outlines of the GAME from us.

But here are so many questions that I want to see answered. What is the purpose of the GAME? When did it start? What are its rules and boundaries, and how have they changed over time? Who makes the rules? Who enforces the rules? How do they enforce the rules? Who are the insiders who know more about it than anyone else? What does the U.S. Congress know about it? What have our Presidents known about it? So many questions.


Some books I’ve read that I believe shine some light on the GAME

In the realm of fiction, “The Wizard of Oz”, “1984”, and “Alice in Wonderland” come to mind. In the realm of non-fiction, I would like to single out six authors who I believe have shone an especially bright light on the GAME, at least for me. I also include here the titles of posts that I’ve written about those books because those titles convey my beliefs about the purpose of the GAME:

Naomi Klein: “The Shock Doctrine – the Rise of Disaster Capitalism”. I’ve written about this in:
The Relationship Between Torture and Occupation/Dictatorship
The Demise of Russian Democracy: A Lesson in the Perils of Allowing a Tyrannical Precedent
Connection between State-Sponsored Terror, Corporate Greed and Economic “Shock Therapy
And on a more optimistic note: “The Countering of U.S. Imperialism – A Light at the End of the Tunnel

John Perkins: “Confessions of an Economic Hit Man – How the U.S. Uses Globalization to Treat Poor Countries out of Trillions” and “The Secret History of the American Empire – Economic Hit Men, Jackals, and the Truth about Global Corruption”. I’ve written about these in “The Moral Transformation of an Economic Hit Man”.

Antonia Juhasz: “The Bush Agenda – Invading the World, One Economy at a Time”. I’ve written about this in “The Purpose of the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq”.

Bill Moyers: “Moyers on Democracy”. This book is a collection of Moyers’ speeches, in which a major focus is how our news media has been taken over by those who control the GAME. I’ve written about this book in:
Bill Moyers’ Insights on Addressing the Perilous State of our Democracy
Bill Moyers to U.S. Military Academy: Before you Assume that I am Calling for an Insurrection…
Bill Moyers on How Money Is Choking our Democracy to Death

Chalmers Johnson: “Blowback”, “The Sorrows of Empire”, and “Nemesis – The Last Days of the American Republic”. I talk about these in “The Last Days of the American Republic”.

William Greider: “Who Will Tell the People – The Betrayal of American Democracy” I haven’t written a DU post about this book, mainly because I read it many years before I joined DU and before DU even existed. I’ll just excerpt a blurb from the jacket to give you an idea of what it’s about.

Here is a tough minded exploration of why we’re in trouble, starting with the basic issues of who gets heard, who gets ignored, and why. Greider shows us the realities of power in Washington today, uncovering the hidden contours of relationships that link politicians with corporations and the rich and subvert the needs of ordinary citizens…


An example of the GAME – Stumbling into war in Iraq

The official story – the one we use to play the GAME
I think that the vast amount of poppycock surrounding the Iraq War provides a good example of the GAME in action. We have an official story from which our elected officials are not allowed to deviate very far:

The Bush administration honestly believed that Saddam Hussein, with his “weapons of mass destruction” and ties to al Qaeda, presented an imminent danger to our country. Through a combination of incompetence by our President and misleading intelligence presented to him by his intelligence agencies, the Bush administration was mislead to believe that Iraq presented an imminent danger, and in turn the Bush administration misled Congress into believing that.

But when the war commenced and no WMD were found, they had to find another story to provide an excuse for staying there. For that purpose they came up with “spreading democracy to the Iraqi people” (for the benefit of Americans with warm hearts) and “if we don’t fight them over there we’ll have to fight them over here” (for the benefit of those frightened souls who are dim enough to believe that our troops in Iraq are preventing terrorists from coming here).

The absurdity of the official story
But these official stories have so many holes in them that if we open our eyes we could drive a truck through them.

First, the Bush administration began planning the Iraq War from the first days of the administration.

Second, to the extent that intelligence agencies provided poor information, it was mainly because the Bush administration pressured them to do so – in order to enhance their war propaganda.

Third, there was plenty of information publicly available that contradicted the case for war that the Bush administration tried to make, thereby proving that it was lying. But in accordance with the rules of the GAME, no “respectable” news source dared to point that out. For example, when on September 7, 2002, Bush claimed that a new U.N. International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) report stated that Iraq was six months away from developing a nuclear weapon, no such report existed. There are several other similar examples in this post.

Fourth, with respect to the claim that we were “bringing democracy” to Iraq, what possible sense did it make that we had to kill over a million innocent Iraqis, ruin their country and create more than four million refugees in order to bring them democracy? And if that wasn’t enough, opinion polls clearly showed that the Iraqis hated us and wanted us out of their country. Thus, in order for the GAME to continue, none of these things can ever be discussed – Not by our elected representatives; not by our “respectable” news media; not by the 9/11 Commission.

And finally there is the most obvious problem with the official story of all: Even if Saddam Hussein did have weapons of mass destruction, the idea that he could have posed a danger to us was still absurd. I love the way that Mark Danner explains this in “Words in a Time of War – Taking the Measure of the First Rhetoric-Major President”:

If anyone had found those leaky old shells, what would have been changed thereby? Yes, the administration could have pointed to them in triumph and trumpeted the proven character of Saddam’s threat… But in fact, the underlying calculus would have remained: that, in the months leading up to the war, the administration relentlessly exaggerated the threat that Saddam posed to the United States… And it would have remained true and incontestable that… the case for attacking Iraq was thin. Saddam was not threatening his neighbors…”

Which is to say, the weapons were a rhetorical prop and … we forget this underlying fact at our peril. The issue was never whether the weapons were there or not; indeed, had the weapons really been the issue, why could the administration not have let the UN inspectors take the time to find them? The administration needed, wanted, had to have, the Iraq War. The weapons were but a symbol, the necessary casus belli… Had a handful of those weapons been found, the underlying truth would have remained: Saddam posed nowhere near the threat to the United States that would have justified …. war.


Three Presidents who perhaps didn’t fully play the GAME

It seems to me that we’ve had three Presidents since World War I who, at least to some major extent, decided not to play the GAME. My list could contain omissions or commissions. But it’s the best I could do with the information I have.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt
Just prior to the Great Depression, the level of wealth inequality in our country was perhaps as great or greater than it had ever been. FDR made it clear that he intended to even the playing field, in pursuit of bringing his country out of the depression. I don’t know precisely who the controllers of the GAME were in those days, but I think it’s safe to say they included some of the wealthiest men in our country. They probably didn’t consider evening the playing field to be within the rules of their GAME. Consequently:

In the summer of 1933, shortly after Roosevelt's "First 100 Days," America's richest businessmen were in a panic. It was clear that Roosevelt intended to conduct a massive redistribution of wealth from the rich to the poor. Roosevelt had to be stopped at all costs. The answer was a military coup. It was to be secretly financed and organized by leading officers of the Morgan and Du Pont empires. This included some of America's richest and most famous names of the time.

And how did that work out? Well, the coup failed, and FDR became even more brazen about his disdain for the GAME and its rulers. He gave a speech at the 1936 Democratic National Convention in which he explained the rationale for his New Deal, and in the process had a few combative words for those in charge of the GAME:

Out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties. New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things. Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of industry and agriculture, of labor and capital … the whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royal service. There was no place among this royalty for our many thousands of small business men and merchants who sought to make a worthy use of the American system of initiative and profit. They were no more free than the worker or the farmer…

The privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting for power, reached out for control over Government itself. They created a new despotism and wrapped it in the robes of legal sanction. In its service new mercenaries sought to regiment the people, their labor, and their property…. And as a result… the hours men and women worked, the wages they received, the conditions of their labor – these had passed beyond the control of the people, and were imposed by this new industrial dictatorship. The savings of the average family – other people's money – these were tools which the new economic royalty used to dig itself in.

The controllers of the GAME hated FDR more than ever. But after the failed coup they couldn’t touch him. He lifted his country out of the Great Depression, in the process creating social programs that are still considered sacrosanct to this day. He was re-elected President by a landslide a record three straight times, and to this day most presidential scholars consider him the second greatest president of our history. Because of what he accomplished, our country experienced what Nobel Prize winning economist Paul Krugman calls the greatest sustained economic boom in United States history. It wasn’t until almost a half century following FDR’s rise to the Presidency that his New Deal began to be dismantled, by a nation in which a new generation of voters had little or no memory of him.

John F. Kennedy
Kennedy started off his political career and his Presidency fairly far to the right on questions of U.S. militarism – as were most Americans during the Cold War. He escalated our involvement in Vietnam (which he inherited from Eisenhower), and he began his presidency by invading Cuba. But he exhibited an extraordinary ability to learn from his mistakes.

A few months before he was assassinated, he gave a great and radical speech on behalf of peace that probably seemed terribly threatening to the military industrial complex. Here are some excerpts:

Some say that it is useless to speak of world peace or world law or world disarmament -- and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must re-examine our own attitude -- as individuals and as a Nation -- for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every… thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward -- by examining his own attitude toward the possibilities of peace, toward the Soviet Union, toward the course of the Cold War and toward freedom and peace here at home.

First let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many of us think it is unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable – that mankind is doomed -- that we are gripped by forces we cannot control…

Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace -- based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions -- on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned…

Six weeks later, Kennedy announced to the American people the first nuclear test ban treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. He then undertook secret negotiations with Fidel Castro in an attempt to come to an accommodation with him. And, he began talking with his close associates about pulling out of Vietnam.

Four months later, Kennedy was assassinated.

Jimmy Carter
On the campaign trail in 1976, Carter was an outspoken critic of U.S. imperialism:

We’re ashamed of what our government is as we deal with other nations around the world… What we seek is … a foreign policy that reflects the decency and generosity and common sense of our own people.

Morris Berman, in his book “Dark Ages America – The Final Phases of Empire”, discusses Carter’s commitment to human rights as President:

Carter never stopped talking about the subject… He cut out aid to Argentina, Ethiopia, Uruguay, Chile, Nicaragua, Rhodesia, and Uganda because of human rights abuses.

Berman discusses the hopes engendered by Carter’s 1976 election to the Presidency and how the American people turned out not to be ready for that kind of change:

For a brief moment in American postwar history, the position of sanity found an echo… We would work for a more humane world order in our international relations, not seek merely to defeat an adversary; military solution would not come first; efforts would be made to reduce the sale of arms to developing countries…

But… the Carter morality was, within two years, heavily out of step with the return to the usual public demand for a more muscular and military foreign policy… Out-of-office cold warriors closed ranks, forming organizations such as the Committee on the Present Danger… Their goal – to revive the Cold War – was ultimately successful; Ronald Reagan and CIA-assisted torture in Central America were the inevitable results. And in the course of all this, a picture was formed of Jimmy Carter as weak, bungling, inept… That Carter would be perceived as weak, and presidents such as Reagan and Bush Jr. as strong, says a lot about who we are as a people…

But was Carter’s morality really out of step with the American people? Or was it rather that those in charge of the GAME worked hard to get Jimmy Carter thrown out of the GAME for his refusal to follow the rules – for example by making sure that the U.S. hostages being held in the U.S. embassy in Iran were not released until within five minutes of Ronald Reagan being sworn in as Carter’s successor?


A few more thoughts about the GAME

A fellow DUer, abq e streeter, recently quoted the comedian Bill Hicks, referring to President-Elects as follows:

No matter what promises you make on the campaign trail, blah blah blah, when you win, you go into this smoky room with the 12 industrialist, capitalist scumfucks that got you in there, and this little screen comes down...and its a shot of the JFK assassination from an angle you've never seen before, which looks suspiciously like the grassy knoll, and then the screen comes up and the lights go on, and they ask the new president "any questions?

Some may see this post as written in a somewhat tongue-in-cheek manner. But it really wasn’t. I’m dead serious about it. I have many questions about the GAME’s precise nature, as I noted in the beginning of this post. But I truly do believe that the GAME is aggressively played, that it casts a giant shadow over our nation, that it poses a tremendous threat to the world, and that the scenario quoted by Bill Hicks above may not be too far from reality. I hate the GAME, I feel oppressed by it, and I fear it. For that reason, I love people like Dennis Kucinich and Cynthia McKinney for challenging it and fighting back.


What does President-Elect Obama know about the game and what is his role in it?

One of the biggest questions about our new President, for those of us who believe in the reality of the GAME, is where he fits in with it. On the one hand, he has given many indications since his election victory that he intends to play the GAME to the hilt. On the other hand, he often seems very likable to me, which makes it hard for me to imagine that he would do that. Maybe he’s just pretending to play the GAME now, so as to increase the likelihood that he will last at least until his historic inauguration. But on the third hand, it probably takes a tremendous amount of courage for a President to refuse to play the GAME. FDR refused, in the process doing wonders of good for our country. And he got away with it. Maybe the GAME’s leaders learned something from that. Kennedy apparently refused to play the GAME towards the end of his Presidency, and he ended up dead. Carter apparently refused to play throughout his whole Presidency, and … well, they didn’t need to kill him.

So the bottom line is that I have very little idea to what extent Obama will play the GAME, though all the indications are, I hate to say, that he is already participating in it.

But I can think of one very good indicator: Prosecuting high level members of the Bush administration for war crimes and crimes against our Constitution and our people. It is crystal clear that for the sake of our democracy – for the sake of the American people – that needs to be done. To fail to do so is to condone those crimes and to set the stage for it to happen again.

Yet it is just as crystal clear that to do so would be a great broach of the rules of the GAME. That was evident when Nancy Pelosi took impeachment “off the table” and kept it off, as well as when Congress failed to pursue Bush administration officials who refused to honor lawfully executed Congressional subpoenas.

The reason that it would be against the rules of the GAME to pursue high level Bush administration figures for war crimes I believe is this: The GAME depends above all else on maintaining the widespread belief that the United States is – as “super-patriots” are so fond of claiming – “the greatest force for good in the world”. I mean, what kind of person would be willing to volunteer to risk his life fighting in his country’s war if he didn’t have great confidence in the benevolence and motives of his country? Convicting the highest leaders of the U.S. government for war crimes would shatter that confidence to hell and would therefore radically change the fabric of American society. If the GAME were to continue at all, its rules would have to be changed beyond recognition.

If Obama pursues investigations into these criminals, that will be pretty solid evidence that he’s not a real GAME player. If he fails to do so, which I’m afraid might be the case, that will be good evidence that he intends to play the GAME – at least to some significant extent, and at least for now. It will be very interesting to watch this play out.
Discuss (218 comments) | Recommend (+125 votes)
U.S. Democracy in Crisis
Time for change


The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
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