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THE UNFULFILLED PROMISE
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion (1/22-2007 thru 12/14/2010)
Thu Mar 05th 2009, 08:13 PM
We can express our support for both prosecution of BushCo crimes and for a commission that will address a broader range of issues, while making it clear that we will not accept a failure to prosecute war criminals
Last week I posted on DU arguments in support of establishing a truth commission to investigate Bush administration crimes. DUers expressed both agreement and disagreement with the idea of a truth commission, as discussed in my last week’s post. The main disagreement pertained to the concern that a truth commission could interfere with or preclude the possibility of prosecutions against those who committed serious crimes.

I share that concern, and I am in full agreement that there should be no truth commission if that would interfere with or prevent prosecution of the guilty. But I do believe that, as long as a truth commission does not interfere with prosecutions, we should have one, whether or not we have prosecutions. If we do have prosecutions, I believe that we should have a truth commission because it can provide a lot of benefits (more about that below) that prosecutions do not provide. If we do not have prosecutions, I believe that we should have a truth commission because, in addition to its other benefits, it could pave the way for prosecutions to occur by influencing the American public in that direction. Either way, we should have them – as long as they do not interfere with or prevent prosecutions from occurring.

So, what are we, as American citizens, to do if we agree that a truth commission could provide substantial benefits but are concerned that they may interfere with prosecutions of the guilty? I thought about that question some more today after I received an e-mail from Bob Fertic at Democrats.com, asking me to sign a petition “to establish a truth and reconciliation commission to investigate the Bush-Cheney Administration’s abuses.” After giving the matter much thought, I wrote Mr. Fertik back, expressing my desire for having both prosecutions and a truth commission, while also expressing my hesitancy to sign a petition that could be taken to advocate a truth commission as a substitute for prosecutions.


My letter to Democrats.com

This is the e-mail I wrote back to Democrats.com

Dear Mr. Fertik:

I am all in favor of a truth commission in order to better establish and publicize the crimes of the Bush administration -- "so that they never happen again", as Senator Leahy says.

However, I am concerned about some of Senator Leahy's wording of his rationale for the truth commission, which could indicate the course that his commission would take. Specifically I am concerned about the statement "Rather than vengeance, we need a fair-minded pursuit of what actually happened".

The "Rather than vengeance" part makes me uneasy. What does that mean? Does it mean that Senator Leahy believes that prosecuting criminals is tantamount to vengeance and that therefore it should not be undertaken? What if we were to take that attitude towards common criminals -- say murderers and rapists, for example? What if a prosecuting attorney was to say about the prosecution of a murderer/rapist, "Rather than vengeance, we need a fair-minded pursuit of what actually happened -- so let's forget about prosecuting and just focus on getting to the truth"? Does anybody seriously believe that such an approach would act as a deterrent to murder and rape? Any prosecuting attorney who suggested such a thing would be looking for a new job very soon.

So why should we take such a radically different approach to the crimes of the Bush administration? Why should anyone think that merely establishing the truth of what happened would act as a deterrent to further occurrences, if the establishment of that truth did not lead to prosecutions of the guilty parties?

I'm almost positive that Senator Leahy (As well as all other public officials who care about the future of our country) agree with me on this. So, why would Senator Leahy speak of "Rather than vengeance…."?

We all know the answer to that question. Some, including certain powerful people in this country, would consider it abhorrent to prosecute former (or current) high level government officials, such as a former president and vice president, for serious crimes. Therefore, many or most well meaning public officials, such as Senator Leahy, consider it political dynamite to suggest any action that involves or might lead to the prosecution of a former president.

I am adamantly against that line of thinking. Without diminishing the seriousness of rape and murder, I say to you that the crimes of the Bush administration are far more serious because they involved the lives of so many more people. The attitude that Presidents are above the law is a recipe for tyranny because it essentially condones tyranny. Our nation was founded as a reaction against tyranny, and the Declaration that founded our nation made it quite clear that tyranny should never be condoned or tolerated.

After expressing my concerns, I then explained that I didn’t exactly understand the purpose of Senator Leahy’s truth commission:

I do not know what effect Senator Leahy's "truth and reconciliation commission" would have on the likelihood of prosecuting those who need to be prosecuted. If he intends to offer immunity to any but low level parties to the crimes under consideration, that could interfere with prosecutions, especially if it is done without close consultation with our Justice Department. Also, if a truth commission is initiated with the understanding that its purpose is to substitute for prosecutions, rather than to add to prosecutions with respect to the goal of preventing further recurrences of these crimes and holding the guilty accountable, then that too could interfere with prosecution of the guilty by making it less likely to happen.

And then I suggested a solution:

Therefore, I would be happy to sign a petition advocating a truth and reconciliation commission, so long as it included a proviso that the commission is not in any way meant as a substitute for those who may have committed serious crimes. Would such a proviso offend some people? Probably it would. Then I suggest that an alternate petition be made available for those of us who feel as I do about the situation. I can assure you that there are many millions, if not tens of millions of us. It would be a shame if our voices were not heard in this matter.


The potential benefits of a truth commission

I noted the benefits of a truth commission (used in addition to prosecutions) in my previous post. But I will repeat the essentials here, as described by Eric Brahm:

The commission's report provides recommendations for rebuilding society. One of the key aspects of the report is the highlighting of the institutional factors that facilitated the abuse of human rights…

Truth commissions also make recommendations for reparations to be given to victims of state terror…. reparations are another sign of the government's commitment to healing old wounds…

Truth commission advocates argue that calling perpetrators to account, even in a weaker venue like a truth commission, reveals the vulnerability of those once in power and knowing these acts have been firmly denounced is empowering to the general public… Findings may discredit those responsible. In short, the logic of truth commissions is that exposing the factors that allowed these crimes to occur goes a long way toward preventing their recurrence.

For those who are thinking that this description applies more to third world countries than to the United States, let me make a few points: Our society is in need of rebuilding; We do have many victims who are in need of reparation, and making those reparations would show our nation’s commitment to making amends for what the Bush administration did; and we do need to find ways to prevent recurrences of what happened under the Bush administration.

In addition, we need to consider the possible role of a truth commission as a pathway to prosecutions in the event that prosecutions are not forthcoming in the near future. They could serve to educate the American public, thereby making prosecutions more feasible. Jon Ponder, writing in the Brad Blog, discusses the need for education of the American public on this issue. Speaking of war crimes, he says:

This news has not received a fraction of the coverage given to the scandal involving the alleged attempts by Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich – a Democrat – to sell Pres.-Elect Barack Obama's U.S. Senate seat. Statehouse corruption is certainly newsworthy, but as criminal enterprises go, it is far less consequential than the conspiracy by Bush, Cheney, and other top officials to create an illegal torture and prisoner-abuse regime inside the U.S. government… Allowing Bush, Cheney, and company to escape justice now risks repercussions in the future.

Amen to that! Brad then adds:

Does the citizenry simply not care about War Crimes? Of course they do. But not unless they know about them, and not unless the argument that they occurred, and the evidence of it, is presented in the detail that such an issue merits.


Let’s not let the perfect be the enemy of the good

Almost all of us at DU would like to see prosecutions proceed as quickly as possible. It is terribly frustrating to us to hear our politicians speak with such phrases as “If serious crimes have been committed…” when we all know damn well that they have.

Yet, we should acknowledge that sometimes it is necessary for politicians – even those who care deeply about our country and its people – to speak in politically cautious terms in order to get the ball rolling and advance a more progressive agenda. I heard Senator Whitehouse say to Keith Olbermann yesterday that he doesn’t believe that prosecutions of Bush administration officials are warranted at this time, but that if a truth commission demonstrates the need for them, then we should be ready to proceed with them. I do not believe Senator Whitehouse that he doesn’t believe that prosecutions are warranted at this time. In my opinion he was using cautious language in order to advance actions that he believes will lead to prosecutions. That’s fine with me. If that’s what we have to do to get to prosecutions, then so be it.

Abraham Lincoln never publicly advocated for the abolition of slavery, even though there is abundant evidence that he hated slavery all of his life. Had he done so, he never would have been elected president, and slavery may have lasted for several more decades than it did (Those who think that the abolishment of slavery wasn’t a major goal of his don’t know enough about Lincoln in my opinion).

There are several progressive organizations and individuals who believe that a truth commission could do a lot of good for our country, including preparing the political ground for prosecutions. Those include Amnesty International, Democrats.com, The Nation magazine, the Brennan Center for Justice, Human Rights First, and Glen Greenwald, among many others.

My concern is that if millions of the most activist and progressive Americans withhold their support for some sort of truth commission out of fear that it may interfere with prosecutions or out of frustration that a truth commission alone won’t go far enough, then we may in the process be throwing away our best chance to make war criminals accountable for their actions.


What we can do

There is no reason that we need to make a choice between the two. We can express our support for both prosecution of the appropriate Bush administration officials, and for a commission that will address a broader range of issues, while making it clear that a commission as a substitute for prosecutions is not acceptable to us – as I did in my e-mail to Democrats.com. If you agree, please feel free to use the wording in my above e-mail, or any parts of it that you agree with. But if we remain silent on this issue, then I’m afraid that we are likely to get neither prosecutions nor a truth commission.


PS

About eight hours after I e-mailed Bob Fertik at Democrats.com my concerns about Senator Leahy’s truth commission, I received the following e-mail back from him:

Thank you for sharing your concerns, Dale. You may want to share them with Senator Leahy at: senator_leahy@leahy.senate.gov

and our Attorney General Holder at: AskDOJ@usdoj.gov

You may want to refer Senator Leahy and Attorney General Holder to AfterDowningStreet.org's listing of Key Evidence of Bush and Cheney's offenses at: http://www.afterdowningstreet.org/keydocum...

Yes indeed.
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The Unfulfilled Promise
The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream: The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals




Time for change


Notwithstanding the lofty sentiments and purpose of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the reality of the United States of America did not then – and never has – lived up to its ideal. Our nation remains today a long way from fulfilling the promise implied by those ideals. Yet, our Declaration was a great start, and it has long shone as a beacon of hope for people all over the world.

Throughout our history, while many have striven to close the gap between our highest ideals and the reality of our nation, others have focused on the accumulation of private wealth and power, at the expense of everyone else. In recent decades the latter have gained much ground, leading to increasing imperialism abroad and deteriorating democracy at home, characterized by routine (and legal) bribery of our public officials, the fusion of government and private corporate interests (corporatocracy), a corrupt election system largely in the hands of private corporations, a corporate controlled communications media, and the widespread acceptance of Executive Branch secrecy, routinely justified with little if any questioning, by the magic words “national security”. All of this is rapidly turning our country from the democracy proclaimed at our founding into a plutocracy (government by the wealthy and for the wealthy). The result is the most obscene wealth gap our country has ever known, the highest imprisonment rate in the world, rampant militarism, routine flaunting of international law, the least efficient health care system in the developed world, a pending environmental catastrophe that threatens to destroy the life sustaining forces of our planet, and myriad other problems that threaten to destroy our nation and tyrannize our people.

My new book, The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream – The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals, explores the roots and consequences of the demise of our democracy, and why most Americans have been unable to understand this process or even become aware of it. A good understanding of why and how we have deviated so greatly from the ideals of our nation is the first and necessary step towards getting back on the right track and revitalizing our society.

The book is currently being sold in electronic PDF format and can be purchased at http://www.unfulfilledpromise.com/Buy-the-... for $3.99. It will also soon be available in Amazon Kindle format. DU members who cannot afford to buy the book but would like to read it can pm me with your e-mail address, and I will send you a free PDF copy.

I’ve previously posted on DU a slightly earlier version of the introduction to the book, which is also posted at my site. Here is the Table of Contents, followed by a brief description of the three parts of the book:


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Acknowledgements
Prologue – What is Wrong with the United States of America?

Part I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy
Chapter 1 – Legalized Bribery
Chapter 2 – Human Psychological Factors
Chapter 3 – Corporatocracy
Chapter 4 – Corporate Control of Media
Chapter 5 – Corrupt Election System
Chapter 6 – Government Secrecy
Chapter 7 – American Exceptionalism

Part II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions
Chapter 8 – Slavery and its Legacy
Chapter 9 – Early U.S. Imperialism
Chapter 10 – U.S. Imperialism in Cold War
Chapter 11 – Iraq War and Occupation
Chapter 12 – Afghanistan War

Part III – Consequences
Chapter 13 – Election of George W. Bush
Chapter 14 – War and Imperialism
Chapter 15 – Class Warfare
Chapter 16 – Predator Financial Class
Chapter 17 – Shock Therapy
Chapter 18 – Contempt for Int. Law
Chapter 19 – The “War on Drugs”
Chapter 20 – Climate Change
Chapter 21 – “War on Terror”
Chapter 22 – Health Care
Chapter 23 – Unaccountable government
Chapter 24 – Response to 9/11 Attacks
Epilogue


PART I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy

It is somewhat difficult to separate the causes of our problems from their consequences, since they combine to form a long chain of cause leading to consequence, leading to more consequences, etcetera. Nevertheless, it seems worth while to identify the root causes of our problems, those that occur early in the chain and lead to so many of the tragic consequences we see today. The only chance we have of reversing the demise of our democracy is through addressing and attacking its root causes.

At the top of the list is the systematic bribery of public officials by the powerful corporations (Chapter 1) whom our government is charged with regulating in the public interest. Instead of calling it bribery, we call it “campaign contributions”, but what we call it isn’t as important as what it is. It is hard to fathom how democracy can survive when such a practice is legal and condoned.

Working in tandem with our system of legalized bribery is the nature of the people who inhabit our country. That is not to say that Americans are inherently substantially different than any other people. Human beings are imperfect, and that is probably a major reason why in a world where civilization began more than five millennia ago, the oldest written national framework of government in the world today – the Constitution of the United States of America – is only a little more than two and a quarter centuries old. Chapter 2 explores the roles of basic human needs, authoritarianism, psychological defense mechanisms used to prevent us from perceiving reality as it is rather than as we’d like it to be, and corrupted ideologies in causing us to passively accept the accumulation of power in the hands of ambitious and ruthless individuals who care about little else than expanding their own wealth and power.

When bribery of public officials is tolerated as an inevitable aspect of public life, government inevitably grows close to the wealthy interests that shower it with money in return for legislative and other favors. A malevolent symbiosis grows between the state and corporate power, resulting in rule by an oligarchy that is highly detrimental to the lives of ordinary people (Chapter 3). Using their accumulated wealth and power to manipulate our legislative process, the oligarchy grabs for more and more control of the communications media (Chapter 4) that are used to control the information available to and shape the attitudes of our nation’s people, in pursuit of their own narrow interests.

Since the 1980s an orchestrated campaign has been underway to demonize “big government”, thereby paving the way for private corporate control over more and more functions that were previously deemed intrinsic functions of government. Among those functions is the running of public elections (Chapter 5) – the function that symbolizes democracy perhaps more than any other single function. Consequently, the purging of selected registered voters from our computerized voter rolls has become a routine recurring event throughout much of our country, and without a doubt determined the results of the 2000 – and probably 2004 as well – presidential election. Just as bad, more and more of the counting of votes in our public elections have been turned over to private corporations, which count our votes using electronic machines using secret software to produce vote counts that cannot be verified by anyone.

Bribery, the fusion of government and private interest, fake and biased news, and corrupt elections are not things that government and its corporate allies want us to know about. Consequently, they construct walls of secrecy (Chapter 6) to keep us from obtaining information that sheds light on their activities. The perfect phrase for facilitating this is “national security”. When our government tells us that the “national security” requires that certain things be kept secret from us, the understanding is that to question such a pronouncement is unpatriotic, and to actually attempt to obtain the “secret” information may be treasonous.

But indefinitely maintaining secrets from the American people can be very difficult, because at least some people want to know what their government is up to. So in addition to the formal mechanisms of secrecy, informal mechanisms are constructed (Chapter 7) to keep vital information away from us. One of the primary methods for doing this is to make certain sensitive subjects taboo – that is, to create the widespread belief that discussion of these topics is so outside the bounds of acceptable human discourse that anyone who discusses them should be shunned by society, or worse. The most common issue that falls into this category is any discussion that sheds light on the disparity between American ideals and the reality of life in our country today.


PART II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions in U.S. History

Notwithstanding the fact that our founding document says that “all men are created equal” and speaks of the inalienable rights of humankind, the United States has throughout its history partaken of massive exploitation of other peoples.

It is estimated that at the time of our birth, 18% of our population was black slaves. In our expansion westwards during the late 18th and 19th centuries, we decimated the original inhabitants of our continent, and often treated them with great cruelty. In 1846 we manufactured an excuse for war with our neighbor Mexico, in which we continued to expand our country westwards and southwards. In 1893 we began our overseas imperialism with the conquest of Hawaii. Our overseas expansion was greatly accelerated in 1898 with our participation in the Spanish-American War, which led to our conquest of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. With our arrival at world superpower status at the end of World War II, we began the Cold War, which led to and served as a rationalization for covert and/or direct military actions against myriad foreign nations over the next 46 years. With the September 11, 2001 attacks on our country, we declared a perpetual “War on Terror”, which served and continues to serve as an excuse to invade and occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, nations that posed no threat to us. We do not know when or if this perpetual war will ever end. We don’t know how many additional imperial conquests it will lead to.

Most Americans don’t think much about all this. Many of these actions are done in secrecy, and the American people don’t find out about them until many years later – or we never find out about them at all. Those that we do know about are spun into the most favorable light, to make them seem benign or even noble.

But these actions come at great costs: in the lives of our soldiers; in the ruined lives of the peoples of the victim countries; in trillions of dollars cost to our people and their future generations; in our international reputation; in anti-American hatred leading to terrorism; and, to our democracy itself. For how can a nation claim to believe in the inalienable rights of humankind specified in its founding document, while making a mockery of that belief in the way it treats other peoples? For that reason alone it is worth while to take a brief look at our long history of imperialist actions.


PART III – Consequences

In the Prologue I give a brief account of what I see as some of the worst and tragic consequences of the root causes that I discuss in Part I – to enable the reader to see where this book is heading. When elections of our public officials are for sale to the highest bidder… when our public officials are so addicted to the “campaign contributions” of their wealthiest constituents that they develop a symbiotic relationship with them… when our communications media are owned and controlled by an oligarchy of wealthy elites… when our citizenry lack the ability to differentiate propaganda from reality… when we allow machines provided by private corporations to count our votes using secret electronic software… then we should expect that the consequences will not be pretty or comfortable for the vast majority of our citizens.

In Part III, I explore those consequences in much greater detail, in the hope that the reader will agree with me that these are very serious problems, and that they must be successfully addressed if our country is ever to fulfill the promise of its ideals, or even make progress in that direction. When enough Americans recognize our problems as problems, stripped of the gloss and spin put on them by our oligarchy, they will rise up and do something about them. Until then there will be no progress, and we are very likely to head in the direction of all the former empires of our planet, ending in chaos, widespread catastrophe, suffering, and ignominy.

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