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THE UNFULFILLED PROMISE
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion (1/22-2007 thru 12/14/2010)
Tue Mar 31st 2009, 12:54 AM
I was very interested to read 27inCali’s recent DU post, “Someone needs to say it”, because this is a subject that I have thought and written about a great deal, especially in a post I titled “The GAME”.

The main theme of “Someone needs to say it” is that our country is largely controlled by powerful shadowy figures:

Obama doesn't really have the power to do a lot of the things we wish (and I'm sure he wishes) he could. He had to kiss a lot of rings to even get permission to run for President, let alone be ALLOWED to win…. The President doesn't run this country, international banks and a handful of super-rich families do…. We have to realize that our Democracy is fucked up to the point that the President really can't change the big injustices inherent in the system. The last one that tried got his head blown off in front of his wife in Texas….

In my post I said some similar things in different words, and I titled it “The GAME” to emphasize the fact that one of the main strategies of the powers in charge is to create an alternate reality for the American people to believe in. That is necessary because, as 27inCali put it, these people can’t simply say to us, “Hey! I want to rule the world, kneel before me!” Instead, in order to get us to accept the status quo, they need to fool us into accepting a story line that differs considerably from reality.


Questions

I have a lot more questions than answers about this subject, many which I posed in my previous post: What is the purpose of the GAME? When did it start? What are its rules and boundaries, and how have they changed over time? Who makes the rules? Who enforces the rules? How do they enforce the rules? Who are the insiders who know more about it than anyone else? What does the U.S. Congress know about it? What have our Presidents known about it?

The more important question with respect to this post is, What is President Obama’s relationship the shadowy powers that we speak of? Has he actually negotiated with them? Have they made it clear to him that his continuance in office depends on his satisfying their demands? Have they threatened him? I can’t answer any of those questions, and I very much doubt that there are many who could. But it certainly seems that he has done a lot to placate some very powerful people. Let’s take look at some of those things:


Some powerful interests that President Obama seems unwilling to challenge

The Bush administration war criminals
Prosecution of a U.S. President for war crimes or crimes against humanity would be a terrible thing… for those with a great interest in maintaining the status quo. It would qualify as an admission that there are grave faults in American society, and it could spur Americans to think about how we reached that state of affairs.

For the rest of us, failure to prosecute a President and those in his administration who committed grave crimes would greatly facilitate the dissolution of our democracy. Democracy cannot exist in a nation when those in power are allowed to commit crimes with impunity. Such a nation is more akin to a monarchy or other type of dictatorship than it is to a democracy.

That is now the state of our nation. The Bush administration waged an aggressive war under false pretenses, routinely tortured its prisoners, and abolished the writ of habeas corpus. All of these things violated our national and international laws and our Constitution. They constitute the same kind of crimes for which we led the prosecution of Nazis in the Nuremberg Trials following World War II.

Yet, President Obama has thus far refused to take any steps towards prosecuting or investigating these crimes. Jonathan Turley puts this matter in perspective:

You know, some people say, what do you need, a film? We actually had films of us torturing people. So this would be the shortest investigation in history. You have Bush officials who have said that we tortured people. We have interrogators who have said we tortured people. The Red Cross has said it. A host of international organizations have said it. What is President Obama waiting for? And I‘m afraid the answer is a convenient moment.

The Military Industrial Complex
President Obama’s latest plans for withdrawal from Iraq call for all “combat troops” to withdraw by August 31, 2010 (about 19 months after taking office), but leaving about 35,000 to 50,000 non-combat troops in Iraq. That plan is a little more hawkish than what Obama proposed during the campaign, which was withdrawal from Iraq within 16 months of taking office, while leaving some “residual” troops in place.

But why should it take 19 months to withdraw from Iraq? I have no special expertise in military matters, but for comparison purposes let’s take a look at the timeline for withdrawal from Vietnam, once the decision was made to leave:

January 27, 1973: The Paris Peace Accords are signed by all parties, officially ending U.S. involvement in the war.
January 27, 1973: The last American soldier dies in combat in Vietnam
March 29, 1973: The last remaining American troops withdraw from Vietnam

That plan was a whole lot swifter and more complete than President Obama’s plan for ending the war in Iraq. I don’t claim to know for certain that there is no legitimate reason, other than appeasement of the MIC, for our occupation of Iraq to be prolonged that long. But what legitimate reason could there be? All we’re told is that that’s how long it will take to “safely” withdraw from Iraq. Forty U.S. soldiers and unknown numbers of Iraqi civilians have died in 2009. What is our purpose in Iraq, now that we have decided to leave (except for 35,000 to 50,000 “non-combat” troops)?

Failing banks
All of the economists that I respect the most have the same opinion of the Obama administration’s plan to pay hundreds of billions of additional taxpayer dollars into the continuing effort to bail out failing banks. What kind of economists do I respect? I respect those who explain things in a way that I can understand and who seek economic results that benefit all Americans rather than just Wall Street, in the hope (or not) that those benefits will trickle down to the rest of us. Here is what those economists had to say about the Geithner bailout plan:

Paul Krugman:
This isn't really about letting markets work. It's just an indirect, disguised way to subsidize purchases of bad assets. If this plan fails – as it almost surely will – it's unlikely that he'll (Obama) be able to persuade Congress to come up with more funds to do what he should have done in the first place.

Joseph Stiglitz:
The U.S. government plan to rid banks of toxic assets will rob American taxpayers by exposing them to too much risk and is unlikely to work as long as the economy remains weak…. Quite frankly, this amounts to robbery of the American people.

Robert Reich:
In truth, the plan assumes trillions more from the Fed… The idea is to lure private investors into buying up the banks' toxic assets, by having the Fed limit their downside risks. If private investors pay too much, the Fed picks up the tab…. If the trillions of dollars the Fed has already committed and the trillions more it's about to commit can't be recouped, the federal debt explodes and you and I and other taxpayers are left holding the bag….

James Galbraith:
The plan is yet another massive, ineffective gift to banks and Wall Street. Taxpayers, of course, will take the hit… The banks don't want to take their share of those losses because doing so will wipe them out. So they, and Geithner, are doing everything they can to pawn the losses off on the taxpayer…. In Geithner's plan, this debt won't disappear. It will just be passed from banks to taxpayers

Dean Baker:
Treasury secretary Timothy Geithner's latest bank bailout plan is another Rube Goldberg contraption intended to funnel taxpayer dollars to bankrupt banks, without being overly transparent about the process.

The private health insurance industry
During the presidential campaign, candidate Obama promised a national health care plan in which the government would provide good quality health insurance to the American people.

But recently, Obama met with a group of right wing Republican U.S. Senators, who expressed concern over the damage to the health insurance industry that the Obama health care plan would likely cause:

Forcing free market plans to compete with these government-run programs would create an un-level playing field and inevitably doom true competition. Ultimately, we would be left with a single government-run program controlling all of the market.

In response, Obama assured the senators that he understood and would take seriously their concerns:

I recognize… that private insurance plans might end up feeling overwhelmed. So I recognize that there's that concern. I think it's a serious one and a real one. And we'll make sure that it gets addressed…

We don’t know for sure yet which way the President will go with this, but rescinding his promise to offer government sponsored health insurance to the American people, and subsidizing private health insurance companies instead will do grave damage to his health care plan. It will mean inferior health care for the American people, and it will have the effect of pouring vast sums of taxpayer money into the coffers of private insurance companies.

Presidential prerogatives in the “War on Terror”
Obama’s continuation of several Bush “War on Terror” policies is difficult to fathom. President Obama is continuing Bush policies on using the “state secrets” to shield criminals from criminal or civil law suits, abolishing the right to habeas corpus, and blurring the checks and balances of our Constitution regarding the separation of powers. David Cole discusses this in an article titled “Bush Law Continued” in The Nation:

Disturbingly, the Obama administration has continued the Bush administration's attempts to shield illegal exercises of executive authority from judicial review…

The bottom line is that executive wrongdoing in connection with the conflict with Al Qaeda should be shielded from judicial scrutiny…. because they involve "state secrets." On this theory, the executive can avoid any judicial review of criminal and unconstitutional wrongdoing simply by declaring its wrongs a secret.

The Obama administration has also adhered to the Bush administration's contention that the right of habeas corpus does not extend to detainees at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan…. Should the executive branch be permitted to avoid accountability for its detentions simply by incarcerating them in Afghanistan rather than in Cuba?

And in a case seeking damages for torture and other abuse at Guantánamo, the Obama administration has argued that Guantánamo detainees have no constitutional rights to due process, so that even if they were tortured, no constitutional rights were violated. The Supreme Court's ruling last year that the constitutional right of habeas corpus extends to Guantánamo rested on its determination that there is nothing impracticable about extending such rights there. The same reasoning would fully support the extension of due process rights – yet the administration simply says no.

In the same lawsuit, the administration argues further that even if due process protects Guantánamo detainees, suits for damages against federal officials for violating detainees' rights should be dismissed because the suits involve matters of national security and foreign policy that are the "exclusive prerogative" of the political branches – as if the Supreme Court had not already decided three cases directly challenging the legality of Guantánamo detentions.


Ambivalent feelings towards Barack Obama

Many of us (including me) have a lot of ambivalent feelings towards Barack Obama. 27inCali expressed those ambivalent feeling like this:

You can like Obama as a person and still realize that he doesn't have the POWER, even if he'd like to… As much as you may love Obama, just realize that he is mostly a figure head, he can only do so much, the rest is up to us…. We also aren't doing anyone any favors if we channel our anger and distrust at him as opposed to the assholes who are really in charge.

I share many of those same feelings. But if it’s true, as 27inCali suggests, that Obama is mostly a figurehead, then is he doing us or our country any good by acting in that capacity? Perhaps. Maybe he’s waiting for an opening before making his big move.

William Greider seems to have many of the same feelings. On the one hand, he says “I’m a big fan of this President”. But then he goes on to discuss the folly of handing over hundreds of billions of dollars to failing banks, how our country has long favored the powerful over the powerless, and how if we continue down that road we will become a corporate (i.e. fascist) state. He reaches that conclusion reluctantly but firmly:

The handing out of government guarantees and capital to hedge funds… financial institutions founded on secrecy… They don't even pretend to be transparent…. We want reform, but we want it done right. And we want it done for the public interest, not for the old order…. And… everybody knows in this country that this has now been, for some years… mainly a top down society….

And this will sound extreme to some people, but I came to it reluctantly. I fear what they're doing, not intentionally, but in their design is setting the crown for a corporate state…. And by that I mean a rather small but very powerful circle of financial institutions the old Wall Street banks, famous names. But also some industrial corporations… Too big to fail. Yes, watched closely by the Federal Reserve and others in government, but also protected by them… The leading banks and corporations are sort of at the trough, ahead of everybody else in Washington, they will have the means to monopolize democracy. And I mean that literally. Some of my friends would say, hey, that already happened…. The corporate state is here…. The fact is, if the Congress goes down the road I see them going down, they will institutionalize the corporate state in a way that will be severely damaging to any possibility of restoring democracy.


So what can we do?

Ultimately, we can react only to what our elected leaders do – not to what we think of them as persons. In that regard, it doesn’t matter whether we love Barack Obama or hate him. If we disagree with his policies, then we have every right, even the obligation to make our opinions known – regardless what we think of him as a person. William Greider goes further than that:

And I want people to grab their pitch forks, yes, and be unruly. Get in the streets. Be as noisy and as nonviolently provocative as you can be. And stop the politicians from going down that road. And let me add a lot of politicians need that to be able to stand up. Our President needs that to be able to stand up.

Bill Moyers, in his interview with Greider, asks him:

You describe President Obama as quote "trapped between the governing elites who decide things and the people who are governed." When does he finally have to choose sides?

Greider answered by making an analogy to FDR’s handling of the Great Depression:

Here's my take on the New Deal and the history of what actually happened… People in the streets or churches or wherever found their voice and made it happen by agitating and informing the higher authorities. In the early '30s, Franklin Roosevelt had a set of things he thought he could do to right the ship of the Depression…. Meanwhile, organized labor, others, were all over the country lighting bonfires for bigger changes. Social security came out of that. Labor rights, the first attempt to give people the right to organize their own voices in a company came out of that. A whole bunch of other reforms that we now take for granted. And Roosevelt didn't stand athwart and try to stop them. But he let them roll him. And… what I hope for now. That people of every stripe will stand up and say, we love you Mr. President, but you don't have it right yet. And we're going to bang on your door until you get it right.


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The Unfulfilled Promise
The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream: The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals




Time for change


Notwithstanding the lofty sentiments and purpose of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the reality of the United States of America did not then – and never has – lived up to its ideal. Our nation remains today a long way from fulfilling the promise implied by those ideals. Yet, our Declaration was a great start, and it has long shone as a beacon of hope for people all over the world.

Throughout our history, while many have striven to close the gap between our highest ideals and the reality of our nation, others have focused on the accumulation of private wealth and power, at the expense of everyone else. In recent decades the latter have gained much ground, leading to increasing imperialism abroad and deteriorating democracy at home, characterized by routine (and legal) bribery of our public officials, the fusion of government and private corporate interests (corporatocracy), a corrupt election system largely in the hands of private corporations, a corporate controlled communications media, and the widespread acceptance of Executive Branch secrecy, routinely justified with little if any questioning, by the magic words “national security”. All of this is rapidly turning our country from the democracy proclaimed at our founding into a plutocracy (government by the wealthy and for the wealthy). The result is the most obscene wealth gap our country has ever known, the highest imprisonment rate in the world, rampant militarism, routine flaunting of international law, the least efficient health care system in the developed world, a pending environmental catastrophe that threatens to destroy the life sustaining forces of our planet, and myriad other problems that threaten to destroy our nation and tyrannize our people.

My new book, The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream – The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals, explores the roots and consequences of the demise of our democracy, and why most Americans have been unable to understand this process or even become aware of it. A good understanding of why and how we have deviated so greatly from the ideals of our nation is the first and necessary step towards getting back on the right track and revitalizing our society.

The book is currently being sold in electronic PDF format and can be purchased at http://www.unfulfilledpromise.com/Buy-the-... for $3.99. It will also soon be available in Amazon Kindle format. DU members who cannot afford to buy the book but would like to read it can pm me with your e-mail address, and I will send you a free PDF copy.

I’ve previously posted on DU a slightly earlier version of the introduction to the book, which is also posted at my site. Here is the Table of Contents, followed by a brief description of the three parts of the book:


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Acknowledgements
Prologue – What is Wrong with the United States of America?

Part I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy
Chapter 1 – Legalized Bribery
Chapter 2 – Human Psychological Factors
Chapter 3 – Corporatocracy
Chapter 4 – Corporate Control of Media
Chapter 5 – Corrupt Election System
Chapter 6 – Government Secrecy
Chapter 7 – American Exceptionalism

Part II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions
Chapter 8 – Slavery and its Legacy
Chapter 9 – Early U.S. Imperialism
Chapter 10 – U.S. Imperialism in Cold War
Chapter 11 – Iraq War and Occupation
Chapter 12 – Afghanistan War

Part III – Consequences
Chapter 13 – Election of George W. Bush
Chapter 14 – War and Imperialism
Chapter 15 – Class Warfare
Chapter 16 – Predator Financial Class
Chapter 17 – Shock Therapy
Chapter 18 – Contempt for Int. Law
Chapter 19 – The “War on Drugs”
Chapter 20 – Climate Change
Chapter 21 – “War on Terror”
Chapter 22 – Health Care
Chapter 23 – Unaccountable government
Chapter 24 – Response to 9/11 Attacks
Epilogue


PART I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy

It is somewhat difficult to separate the causes of our problems from their consequences, since they combine to form a long chain of cause leading to consequence, leading to more consequences, etcetera. Nevertheless, it seems worth while to identify the root causes of our problems, those that occur early in the chain and lead to so many of the tragic consequences we see today. The only chance we have of reversing the demise of our democracy is through addressing and attacking its root causes.

At the top of the list is the systematic bribery of public officials by the powerful corporations (Chapter 1) whom our government is charged with regulating in the public interest. Instead of calling it bribery, we call it “campaign contributions”, but what we call it isn’t as important as what it is. It is hard to fathom how democracy can survive when such a practice is legal and condoned.

Working in tandem with our system of legalized bribery is the nature of the people who inhabit our country. That is not to say that Americans are inherently substantially different than any other people. Human beings are imperfect, and that is probably a major reason why in a world where civilization began more than five millennia ago, the oldest written national framework of government in the world today – the Constitution of the United States of America – is only a little more than two and a quarter centuries old. Chapter 2 explores the roles of basic human needs, authoritarianism, psychological defense mechanisms used to prevent us from perceiving reality as it is rather than as we’d like it to be, and corrupted ideologies in causing us to passively accept the accumulation of power in the hands of ambitious and ruthless individuals who care about little else than expanding their own wealth and power.

When bribery of public officials is tolerated as an inevitable aspect of public life, government inevitably grows close to the wealthy interests that shower it with money in return for legislative and other favors. A malevolent symbiosis grows between the state and corporate power, resulting in rule by an oligarchy that is highly detrimental to the lives of ordinary people (Chapter 3). Using their accumulated wealth and power to manipulate our legislative process, the oligarchy grabs for more and more control of the communications media (Chapter 4) that are used to control the information available to and shape the attitudes of our nation’s people, in pursuit of their own narrow interests.

Since the 1980s an orchestrated campaign has been underway to demonize “big government”, thereby paving the way for private corporate control over more and more functions that were previously deemed intrinsic functions of government. Among those functions is the running of public elections (Chapter 5) – the function that symbolizes democracy perhaps more than any other single function. Consequently, the purging of selected registered voters from our computerized voter rolls has become a routine recurring event throughout much of our country, and without a doubt determined the results of the 2000 – and probably 2004 as well – presidential election. Just as bad, more and more of the counting of votes in our public elections have been turned over to private corporations, which count our votes using electronic machines using secret software to produce vote counts that cannot be verified by anyone.

Bribery, the fusion of government and private interest, fake and biased news, and corrupt elections are not things that government and its corporate allies want us to know about. Consequently, they construct walls of secrecy (Chapter 6) to keep us from obtaining information that sheds light on their activities. The perfect phrase for facilitating this is “national security”. When our government tells us that the “national security” requires that certain things be kept secret from us, the understanding is that to question such a pronouncement is unpatriotic, and to actually attempt to obtain the “secret” information may be treasonous.

But indefinitely maintaining secrets from the American people can be very difficult, because at least some people want to know what their government is up to. So in addition to the formal mechanisms of secrecy, informal mechanisms are constructed (Chapter 7) to keep vital information away from us. One of the primary methods for doing this is to make certain sensitive subjects taboo – that is, to create the widespread belief that discussion of these topics is so outside the bounds of acceptable human discourse that anyone who discusses them should be shunned by society, or worse. The most common issue that falls into this category is any discussion that sheds light on the disparity between American ideals and the reality of life in our country today.


PART II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions in U.S. History

Notwithstanding the fact that our founding document says that “all men are created equal” and speaks of the inalienable rights of humankind, the United States has throughout its history partaken of massive exploitation of other peoples.

It is estimated that at the time of our birth, 18% of our population was black slaves. In our expansion westwards during the late 18th and 19th centuries, we decimated the original inhabitants of our continent, and often treated them with great cruelty. In 1846 we manufactured an excuse for war with our neighbor Mexico, in which we continued to expand our country westwards and southwards. In 1893 we began our overseas imperialism with the conquest of Hawaii. Our overseas expansion was greatly accelerated in 1898 with our participation in the Spanish-American War, which led to our conquest of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. With our arrival at world superpower status at the end of World War II, we began the Cold War, which led to and served as a rationalization for covert and/or direct military actions against myriad foreign nations over the next 46 years. With the September 11, 2001 attacks on our country, we declared a perpetual “War on Terror”, which served and continues to serve as an excuse to invade and occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, nations that posed no threat to us. We do not know when or if this perpetual war will ever end. We don’t know how many additional imperial conquests it will lead to.

Most Americans don’t think much about all this. Many of these actions are done in secrecy, and the American people don’t find out about them until many years later – or we never find out about them at all. Those that we do know about are spun into the most favorable light, to make them seem benign or even noble.

But these actions come at great costs: in the lives of our soldiers; in the ruined lives of the peoples of the victim countries; in trillions of dollars cost to our people and their future generations; in our international reputation; in anti-American hatred leading to terrorism; and, to our democracy itself. For how can a nation claim to believe in the inalienable rights of humankind specified in its founding document, while making a mockery of that belief in the way it treats other peoples? For that reason alone it is worth while to take a brief look at our long history of imperialist actions.


PART III – Consequences

In the Prologue I give a brief account of what I see as some of the worst and tragic consequences of the root causes that I discuss in Part I – to enable the reader to see where this book is heading. When elections of our public officials are for sale to the highest bidder… when our public officials are so addicted to the “campaign contributions” of their wealthiest constituents that they develop a symbiotic relationship with them… when our communications media are owned and controlled by an oligarchy of wealthy elites… when our citizenry lack the ability to differentiate propaganda from reality… when we allow machines provided by private corporations to count our votes using secret electronic software… then we should expect that the consequences will not be pretty or comfortable for the vast majority of our citizens.

In Part III, I explore those consequences in much greater detail, in the hope that the reader will agree with me that these are very serious problems, and that they must be successfully addressed if our country is ever to fulfill the promise of its ideals, or even make progress in that direction. When enough Americans recognize our problems as problems, stripped of the gloss and spin put on them by our oligarchy, they will rise up and do something about them. Until then there will be no progress, and we are very likely to head in the direction of all the former empires of our planet, ending in chaos, widespread catastrophe, suffering, and ignominy.

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