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Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Fri Apr 17th 2009, 09:48 PM
The idea that Stalin’s totalitarian rule was the work of a leftist regime is nothing but a very sad joke. It has been used by the right wing elites of the United States of America for many decades to support their agenda. It is well past time to put
This issue is of much more than academic interest. Powerful right wing forces in our country have acted as perpetual barriers to progressive social change since the first days of our nationhood – starting with their insistence that slavery be written into our Constitution.

Those right wing forces have been behind the “war against socialism” in the United States since the beginning of the industrial era of the late 19th century. With the rise of totalitarian Communism, especially as manifested under the dictatorship of Joseph Stalin beginning in 1924, they received a powerful boon to their cause. Henceforth, by equating totalitarian Communism with “left wing”, they sought to demonize any government that contained a hint of socialism or left wing leaning, or was in any way seen as being contrary to their interests. For 46 years of the Cold War that demonization provided the excuse for our CIA and military to intervene in dozens of sovereign nations anywhere and everywhere in the world, to overthrow the legally elected governments of those nations or to prevent them from being elected in the first place. This gave rise to repressive right wing governments all over the world and resulted in untold misery widely distributed throughout the world. Richard J. Walton, in his book, “Henry Wallace, Harry Truman and the Cold War”, describes the situation:

Various right wing dictators… were quick to perceive that the United States was supporting them not out of a genuine concern for their people but because they were allies in an anti-Communist crusade that took precedence over all other considerations… It is difficult to think of a single instance where the United States took effective measures to end repressive, undemocratic practices of a regime it claimed to be supporting in the defense of democracy…

Similarly, the excuse of totalitarian Communism was used to demonize the domestic opponents of the right wing elites. That is what McCarthyism was all about. Eventually, they even succeeded in demonizing the word “liberal”, to the extent that few politicians today have the courage to identify themselves with that word.

Today, 18 years after the end of the Cold War, that tactic is still being used. Want to provide universal health insurance to the American people? SOCIALISM! Want to raise income taxes on millionaires by 3% or re-establish the estate tax on millionaires? SOCIALISM!!


The meaning of Right Wing

One of the best definitions of “right wing politics” that I’ve seen is “Positions that focus on adherence and obedience to traditional values and authorities and creating or promoting a form of social hierarchy”.

Let’s analyze that definition. It consists of two parts. One part is the goal and the other part is the strategy for attaining the goal. The goal of the right wing elites is the social hierarchy – with them at the top of that hierarchy. President Franklin Roosevelt had a few words to say about them. He called them “Economic Royalists”. This is what he said of them at his 1936 Democratic Convention speech:

Out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties. New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things. Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of industry and agriculture, of labor and capital … the whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royal service…

The privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting for power, reached out for control over Government itself. They created a new despotism and wrapped it in the robes of legal sanction. In its service new mercenaries sought to regiment the people, their labor, and their property. And as a result the average man once more confronts the problem that faced the Minute Man…

The second part of the definition of right wing is “Adherence and obedience to traditional values and authorities”. The most important words in that phrase are “obedience” and “authorities”. Those words virtually define authoritarian followers. Bob Altemeyer, perhaps the world’s foremost authority on authoritarianism, wrote in his book, the Authoritarians, that the three core characteristics of authoritarian followers are: 1) High degree of submission to authority; 2) Willingness to attack other people in the name of the authority; and, 3) Highly conventional attitudes.

Altemeyer defines two types of authoritarians – leaders and followers. The leaders are the right wing elites whose goal is to promote a social, political, and economic hierarchy, with them at the top – the ones that FDR referred to as “Economic Royalists”. But the leaders can’t do this alone. How could they? They are vastly outnumbered. So they need many millions of right wing followers.

But other than themselves, who would be interested in promoting or fighting for a social hierarchy with the right wing multi-millionaires and billionaires at the top? That’s where the personality of the right wing authoritarian follower comes in. By positioning themselves as the highest of authorities, the right wing authoritarian leaders convince the right wing authoritarian followers that the highest social good is obedience …. to themselves. And then they throw in “traditional values” in order to help their followers feel good about themselves. “Traditional values” is of course a vague enough term that it could be taken to mean just about anything. The authoritarian leaders essentially define it to mean the same thing as maintaining the status quo – with their place at the top.


What about left wing authoritarian followers?

Altemeyer explains that a major source of the authoritarian propensity for conformity is their inability (or refusal) to think for themselves. That personality characteristic provides fertile ground for nationalistic leaders who wish to drive their country into war – or anything else. If a person lacks the ability or inclination to think independently, then what other choice does he have but to accept what he’s told by authority figures?

Altemeyer describes an experiment in his book that sheds light on how authoritarians helped to perpetuate the Cold War, greatly facilitated by their aversion to independent thought. The experiment involved asking citizens of both the United States and the Soviet Union their thoughts about the Cold War, their own country, and the other country:

We found that in both countries the high right wing authoritarians believed their government’s version of the Cold War more than most people did. Their officials wore the white hats, the authoritarian followers believed, and the other guys were dirty rotten warmongers. And that’s most interesting, because it means the most cock-sure belligerents in the populations on each side of the Cold War, the ones who hated and blamed each other the most, were in fact the same people, psychologically. If they had grown up on the other side of the Iron Curtain, they probably would have believed the leaders they presently despised, and despised the leaders they now trusted…

That experiment raises the question of so-called left wing authoritarians. Altemeyer’s discussion of that issue is a little confusing. First he emphasizes the difference between the psychological and the political. Since the primary characteristic of an authoritarian follower is submission to established authority, that would make American authoritarians almost all right wing authoritarians. But what about the authoritarians of the USSR in Altemeyer’s experiment, who were just as submissive to the Soviet authorities during the Cold War as the American authoritarians were to their country’s authorities? Altemeyer deals with that issue by saying that the Soviet authoritarian followers were right wing authoritarians in the psychological sense but left wing in the political sense. He therefore says that he will refer to all followers of traditional authority, whether Communist or anything else, as right wing authoritarian followers, since they are all right wing in the psychological sense, regardless of their political views. In other words, it is the right wing psychological trait that connects all of these authoritarian followers, regardless of their political views. Altemeyer then confuses the issue a little by noting the existence of left wing authoritarians, saying that “I’m sure one can find left wing authoritarians here and there, but they hardly exist in sufficient numbers now to threaten democracy in North America…”

Anyhow, with that as background, let’s consider the issue of whether or not totalitarian Communism is left wing or right wing, even in the political sense.


The beginnings of totalitarian Communism

The Bolsheviks, who eventually became the Communist Party, came to power in Russia in the October Revolution of 1917. Their two most prominent leaders at that time were Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Bolshevism/Communism was considered left wing at the time in large part because the revolution involved an overthrow of the traditional Russian authorities, the Russian monarchy, or Czar (Actually, the October revolution was preceded by a February 1917 Revolution, in which a parliamentary type of government came to power after overthrowing the Czar). The October revolution was followed shortly by the Russian Civil War (1918-21), in which the monarchical forces, known as the White Russians, attempted unsuccessfully to regain power from the Bolsheviks, with some help from the United States and some European powers. Shortly after that, with the melding together of additional territories, Russia morphed into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) – The Soviet Union for short. In 1922, Lenin suffered some strokes, from which he never recovered, and he died in January 1924.

In 1922 before his health problems began, Lenin appointed Joseph Stalin as General Secretary of the Communist Party. In that post, Stalin moved to consolidate power, so that by the time that Lenin died, Stalin was in pretty good position to move into the vacuum of power created by Lenin’s death. Lenin noted Stalin’s extreme opportunism before he died, and consequently told some of his followers that Stalin was too ruthless to be trusted and should be removed from his position. But it was too late. In short order, Stalin became the leader of the Communist Party, and thereby the leader of the Soviet Union.

Stalin’s most notable talent was ruthless political in-fighting. From the time of Lenin’s death in 1924 until Stalin’s total consolidation of power by the late 1930s, Stalin’s reign was characterized by a massive series of bloody purges – one after the other. Just after he used one ally to wipe out what he considered to be a threat to his power, he would recruit another ally to help him wipe out the former one. Consequently, by the late 1930s, all but a small handful of the original Bolsheviks were gone. Michael H. Hart summarizes the process in his book, “The 100 – A Ranking of the Most Influential Persons in History”:

Stalin’s ruthless use of the secret police, and his program of arbitrary arrests and executions, and long terms in prison or labor camps for anyone even slightly critical of his rule, succeeded in cowing the population into submission. By the end of the 1930s he had created perhaps the most totalitarian dictatorship of modern times, a government structure which intruded into every aspect of life and under which there were no civil liberties.


The Soviet Union under Stalin as a right wing dictatorship

So, the question we should ask ourselves is: In what sense if any was the Soviet Union under Stalin – under whose leadership the Cold War between the United States and the USSR began – a left wing government? It is true that the ideal of Communism is “a theory or system of social organization based on the holding of all property in common, actual ownership being ascribed to the community as a whole or to the state.”

But what does that definition have in common with the actual Soviet Union as it existed under Stalin (or his successors)? Stalin was a mass murdering tyrant. The idea of “holding of all property in common…” under Stalinism was a sham. Stalin had unitary control over everything. He purposely starved millions of peasants to death just to consolidate his power. How is that consistent with “holding of all property in common”? Hart summarizes the crux of Stalin’s reign:

Stalin was perhaps the foremost dictator in history. During his lifetime, Stalin sent millions of persons to their deaths, or to forced labor camps, or had them starved to death (There is no way of knowing just how many people died as a result of his various purges, but it was probably in the neighborhood of 30 million).

If Stalin’s USSR was so “left wing”, then the Nazi-Soviet pact of September 1939 becomes a little difficult to explain. True, Hitler turned on Stalin’s USSR and invaded it less than two years later. But that was just a matter of one warlord turning on another. What was the difference between Hitler and Stalin? They were both ruthless mass murdering tyrants.


The similarities between Stalin’s Soviet Union and George W. Bush’s regime

In his book “Ghost Plane”, Stephen Grey, Amnesty International Award-Winning Journalist for Excellence in Human Rights Reporting, meticulously documents the illegal and horrendous system of torture and other human rights abuses that George Bush perpetrated upon the world as part of his so-called “War on Terror”. In his book, copyrighted in 2006, Grey estimated that 11 thousand men and boys fell victim to this evil system since the onset of George Bush’s “War on Terror”. Here are some excerpts from Grey’s book, in which he compared George Bush’s “War on Terror” with the USSR under Stalin:

As I continued my reporting in Washington, I heard whispers that there was something much bigger going on: a system of clandestine prisons that involved the incarceration of thousands of prisoners, not just the few hundred in Cuba. While the president spoke of spreading liberty across the world, CIA insiders spoke of a return to the old days of working hand in glove with some of the most repressive secret police in the world…

Much later, when more pieces of the puzzle were in place, I thought of the work of Alexander Solzhenitsyn, the dissident writer. When he described the Soviet Union’s network of prison camps as a “Gulag Archipelago” he was portraying a parallel world that existed within physical reach of everyday life but yet could remain unseen to ordinary people. After years of persecution, Solzhenitsyn described a jail system that he knew from firsthand experience had swallowed millions of citizens into its entrails. At least a tenth never emerged alive.

The modern world of prisons run by the United States and its allies in the war on terror is far less extensive. Its inmates number thousands not millions. And yet there are eerie parallels between what the Soviet Union created and what we, in the West, are now constructing.

Solzhenitsyn’s works were a gift to those engaged in the ideological struggle of the cold war. He described Russia’s darkest secrets… As a relentless chronicle of human depravity, stretching to more than nineteen hundred pages, his three-part Archipelago was an uncomfortable and challenging journey for any reader, liberal or conservative. For like British author George Orwell, Solzhenitsyn described not only the evils of a totalitarian society but explored what Orwell called the “double-think” that persuaded ordinary human beings to ignore the atrocities perpetrated so close to their midst…

With the cold war now over, it is this description of the Soviet system’s surreal quality that still resonates. The Gulag was so very vast and extensive, and yet still it could be hidden in people’s minds. Ordinary citizens could persuade themselves that all was normal even as their next-door neighbor disappeared… for most in society the Gulag had a dreamlike, fantasy quality because it was a world that had yet to be experienced… Solzhenitsyn wrote of it as an “amazing country” which “though scattered in an Archipelago geographically, was, in the psychological sense, fused into a continent…” Yet there were many who did not even guess at its presence and many, many others who had heard something vague…

How much more than surreal, more apart from normal existence, was the network of prisons run after 9/11 by the United States and its allies? How much easier too was the denial and the double-think when those who disappeared into the modern gulag were, being mainly swarthy skinned Arabs with a different culture, so different from most of us in the West? How much more reassuring were the words from our politicians that all was well?


Conclusions

Let’s return to the crux of the definition of right wing: Promotion of social hierarchy and obedience to authority. What primarily characterized Hitler’s, Stalin’s, and Bush’s regimes if not the promotion of hierarchy – with Hitler, Stalin, and Bush at the top of their respective pyramids? Promotion of hierarchies like that doesn’t come without severe costs. In their grasping for ever more power and wealth, violence is necessarily employed, often with many hundreds of thousands or millions of casualties.

And what enabled those bloodthirsty regimes to exist if not millions of right wing authoritarian followers whose foremost psychological trait was a propensity for obedience to authority?

That is essentially what right wing regimes are – ruthless systems in which the elites at the top of the pyramid make every effort to maintain and increase their wealth and power, at the expense of everyone else. If their nation’s countrymen don’t like it, that’s too bad. Those who get in the way do so at great risk, and they often pay the ultimate price. There are wars, torture, and innumerable casualties.

So, the idea that Stalin’s totalitarian rule was the work of a leftist regime is nothing but a very sad joke. It has been used by the right wing elites of the United States of America for many decades to support their agenda. It is well past time to put that myth to rest.
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U.S. Democracy in Crisis
Time for change


The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
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Time for change
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