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Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Sun Apr 19th 2009, 08:00 PM
Tomorrow I will be meeting with the staff of my Congressman, Chris Van Hollen, as part of a three-person delegation sponsored by Amnesty International, to request that Van Hollen support measures to investigate and hold the Bush administration responsible for their crimes. The first part of my prepared remarks is a general discussion of the need for more investigation into this issue. The second part is focused on the need to maintain the rule of law and hold high level criminals accountable for their crimes, lest anyone interpret the request for investigations as a substitute for prosecutions:

The need for investigations into Bush administration crimes

Our country has recently suffered through eight years of the most lawless presidential administration in our history. Most important, our president saw fit to declare that the Geneva Conventions no longer applied to his prisoners. That decision not only went far towards destroying the foundations of international law, but it also led to repeated violations of U.S. law and our Constitution.

From that decision, a long series of horrors was unleashed, including torture and the indefinite detention of thousands of men and boys, who were stripped of all their human rights, including their right to challenge their detention in a court of law. Though the Bush administration, with the assistance of our national news media, minimized the extent and severity of those policies, a glimpse of their horrors is provided to us by a 2005 research study, sponsored by the ACLU, which analyzed 44 autopsies of men who died in our detention facilities, and identified 21 of those 44 deaths as homicides.

So, why do we urge the creation of a commission to investigate the Bush administration crimes if we already know about these things?

First of all, too many Americans do not know about them. These crimes have been given way too little attention by our national news media over the past 8 years. The creation of a commission to investigate them would provide much needed attention to some of the worst crimes committed by the U.S. government in our history.

Secondly, it seems highly likely that a vigorous investigation of these things would turn up new revelations that could go a long way towards explaining how and why our country arrived at this sad state of affairs.

We as a nation need to understand how and why this all happened. We owe it to future generations to get to the bottom of this sordid story, so that we can take steps to ensure that it does not happen again.

The need to hold perpetrators accountable for their crimes and uphold the rule of law

Finally, it is essential to hold those responsible for these crimes accountable for their actions. If we fail to do that we essentially condone them. That would send a terrible signal to future government leaders and to the American people. Essentially, we would be signaling that such crimes are not very serious and that they may be committed with impunity – as long as the perpetrators are high enough up in the food chain. If we allow this to pass, we should not be surprised to see it happen again in the not distant future. For that reason, we want to make it absolutely clear that in recommending the creation of a commission of inquiry we do not see it as a substitute for prosecutions of the guilty, but rather as an accompaniment to them.

President Obama has spoken of the need to “look towards the future”. I agree with that. But we cannot look towards the future by ignoring the past and by condoning heinous crimes committed by the highest officials in our government. With that kind of attitude we may as well empty our prisons of all their murderers, on the rationalization that their crimes were committed in the past, and we need to look towards the future instead. Who would accept such a decision?

In a democracy our government officials are supposed to serve us, not the other way around. Why should we tolerate crimes of our government leaders that we wouldn’t tolerate of anyone else? The American people deserve to know what their leaders do in our name, and we deserve accountability from them.

Lastly, I’d like to end with a quote from Dawn Johnsen, President Obama’s choice to head the Office of Legal Counsel at the Justice Department:

“We must avoid any temptation simply to move on. We must instead be honest with ourselves and the world as we condemn our nation's past transgressions and reject Bush's corruption of our American ideals. Our constitutional democracy cannot survive with a government shrouded in secrecy, nor can our nation's honor be restored without full disclosure.”


The need to emerge from the shadow of Bush administration crimes

The other two members of our delegation feel almost exactly the same way that I do about this.

In addition to expanding on some of my points, the delegation member who follows me (who has not yet given me permission to use her name) will emphasize the point that these investigations are further needed in order to address current national policies. Here are excerpts from her remarks:

An investigation is needed to make clear the violations of the past that are framing the understanding of what is legal and illegal, moral and immoral, justifiable and criminal today. It is needed to allow for even the hope of a new course of action concerning torture, domestic spying, and civil and human liberties from this democrat-majority congress and new executive leader. As a member of Amnesty International who has spent the last 8 years vigorously pursuing every line to end torture… I have received little reassurance from the Obama administration or the congressional body that these actions will not continue.

That is why I ask that Congressman Van Hollen support HR 104 (John Conyers’ resolution), as 29 of his colleagues have already done. Supporting HR 104 would represent the majority of Americans who according to a February Gallup poll favor nearly 2 to 1 a criminal investigation or independent panel on the use of torture. This investigation must… make recommendations for changes to the actions we take in the name of national security… We can have little hope of undoing those arguments and addressing the actions that followed if we refuse to investigate.

The American people can expect no protections of their constitutional rights and domestic and international law as long as laws which should never have been passed in the first place are upheld by our congressional representatives. This establishes a seemingly natural state under which formerly illegal actions continue, under the illegal protection of laws that violate our constitutional rights and international law.

An investigation is necessary to expose the widespread violations of international laws banning torture, extraordinary rendition, and arbitrary/indefinite detention that were violated during the past 8 years, and to what extent those violations are becoming the norm under this administration.

We must have a full accounting of the past in order to remedy the present move into the future with clean hands

Without an investigation, there is no reason to believe such actions ended with the changing of the sheets from George Bush’s to Barack Obama’s bed in the White House. President Bush said that the United States does not torture. President Obama has said that the United States will not torture. We know for a fact that one of them (Bush) lied. An investigation would provide better assurance of the truth of Obama’s statement than blind trust: Did the United States torture? Does it still? How will we prevent it in the future? Actions taken in the first 100 days of the Obama administration have led many to believe – and some victims to outright accuse – that things are getting worse, not better under our new leader. A nonpartisan investigation gives the American people the best understanding of the truth in these matters – and our leaders the best hope for new actions and understanding in the future.

Most troubling is the extent to which actions are being taken under the new administration – with seeming approval from a new, Democrat-led house and congress – to prevent any investigation (or prosecutions) of those who we know violated the law… We know that violations have occurred. We have detainees whose rights are continuingly being asserted in our judicial courts, but denied by our executive powers – and ignored by our legislative branch. That did not end on January 20th. Why should we believe that it will not continue? …

I do not accept the justification of state secrets for refusals to release the documentation of illegal actions. I do not accept the argument that looking ahead will amend the wrongs of the past that continue to frame the actions of today, and the hopes of tomorrow. Without an investigation, the American people remain in the dark, threatened by an executive branch with ever-expanding powers and a complicit legislative branch of representatives who violate daily their oaths to uphold the constitution and serve the American people… I do not believe that end has yet come. Actions must be taken to ensure the rule of law in these matters is upheld, or violations will continue.

Some of this could be taken as a criticism of the Obama administration – but it is really not meant to be personally directed at anyone. I have noted before that our presidents may have considerably less power than we ascribe to them. Adlai Stevenson, former two-time Democratic nominee for President, and Ambassador to the United Nations in the Kennedy administration, made that point, when he said privately that Kennedy would never be allowed to establish diplomatic dialogue with Castro (as he intended) because “Unfortunately, the CIA is still in charge of Cuba”.

So, if President Obama really wants to proceed with criminal prosecutions but feels unable to do so for whatever reasons, we would be greatly helping him out by putting pressure on him to do so.


Ensuring that we do not become a totalitarian state

Lastly, Paul Grenier (who has written some interesting things about the 9/11 investigations) will discuss how under the Bush administration we were moving towards being a totalitarian state, and why we may still move in that direction if we don’t address our past. He does that especially by comparing the legal system of the former Soviet Union to that under the Bush administration:

A commission is necessary to establish the truth. Prosecution is necessary to discourage the repetition of the same crimes in the future and for the sake of justice. Full transparency is necessary, among other reasons, to assure us that similar crimes are not still continuing today (under new names and guises), and also to establish the full truth. Action on all these fronts is urgent, moreover, if we would preserve our identity as a nation under the rule of law.

Incredibly, despite the unprecedented unconstitutionality of recent government behavior, such an agenda is far from being vigorously promoted in the White House or in the halls of Congress. Excuses are made that we should ‘look to the future.’ It is as if the practices of recent years were, in the end, no very big deal. But these practices – which have yet to be fully renounced – were and are a very big deal. They are the practices of a totalitarian state….

A comparison of the rule of law in the former Soviet Union with that of the Bush administration

A number of characteristic features of the Soviet system clearly marked it as a nation which flagrantly violated the most basic principles of the rule of law. For example, under the Soviet system, individuals could be detained and mistreated indefinitely on the mere say so of the nation’s chief executive. All that was needed was for the government to declare, without any evidence presented in a fair and open court proceeding, that someone was an ‘enemy of the people.’

Under the rule of law, by contrast, attaching a label to a person is insufficient grounds to deny said person access to the protection of the law.

Under the Bush administration, numerous individuals have been swept up, imprisoned indefinitely, tortured by the CIA directly or rendered to third countries for detention and torture, on the sole basis that the executive branch defined these persons as ‘unlawful enemy combatants’ or ‘terrorists.’ It is no secret that many of these persons later turned out to be innocent of any and all criminal action or even intent.

The use of sleep deprivation and waterboarding are typical practices of totalitarian regimes. It is well known that the virtue of these techniques, from the point of view of totalitarian states, is their effectiveness in extracting false confessions. For example, as was pointed out by Vladimir Bukovksy, the Soviet human rights defender and celebrated pro-democracy dissident, it was precisely sleep deprivation that was used by Stalin’s NKVD to produce false confessions during the famous ‘show trials’ of the 1930s.

The Bush administration made use of both water-boarding and prolonged sleep deprivation – up to eleven days – while interrogating detainees. These interrogations are known for a fact to have produced false, though often convenient, information – including information which was used to justify the US invasion of Iraq


On the need for an independent commission of inquiry

I hope that it is apparent from the above remarks that we see an independent commission of inquiry as complementary to, not as a substitute for, criminal prosecutions of those suspected of crimes. But they are necessary nonetheless. Criminal prosecutions are focused narrowly on determining the guilt or innocence of the accused. They do not address broader issues of how to revise our system of law in order to prevent future violations of the kind that we endured under the Bush administration. Our problems are of such magnitude that punishing the guilty is not enough (alone) to get our country back on track. For example, during the Bush administration our Republican Congress (with help from a minority of Democrats) passed the Military Commissions Act of 2006, which expanded presidential powers to unconstitutional levels and tainted our nation with characteristics of totalitarianism.

In addition, we need to consider the very real possibility that the Obama administration at this time has no intention of moving forward with criminal prosecutions. If that is the case, then one potential means of persuading it to proceed with prosecutions would be to establish a high profile independent commission of inquiry that publicly reveals information that leaves the Obama administration little choice in the matter. Is there a chance that it would fail to do that? Sure. Maybe it’s even likely that it would fail to do that. But that’s no reason not to try.

If I had my choice between a commission of inquiry or criminal prosecutions, I would choose the latter. But that is not my choice to make. I have previously written Attorney General Holder, who has that responsibility, to urge him to undertake criminal prosecutions of Bush administration officials who may have committed serious crimes. I cannot lobby Congress to do that because it is not their responsibility. They don’t have the power to prosecute criminals. They can only undertake investigations or appoint others to investigate. In my letter to Holder I spoke of the Obama administration’s stance of “look forward as opposed to looking backward” as a reason to forego criminal prosecutions. I wrote:

What if we were to take that attitude towards common criminals – say murderers and rapists, for example? What if a prosecuting attorney was to say about the prosecution of a murderer/rapist, "Rather than vengeance, we need a fair-minded pursuit of what actually happened -- so let's forget about prosecuting and just focus on getting to the truth"? Does anybody seriously believe that such an approach would act as a deterrent to murder and rape? Any prosecuting attorney who suggested such a thing would be looking for a new job very soon.

So why should we take such a radically different approach to the crimes of the Bush administration? Why should anyone think that merely establishing the truth of what happened would act as a deterrent to further occurrences, if the establishment of that truth did not lead to prosecutions of the guilty parties?

We also intend to stress that that a commission of inquiry needs to be truly INDEPENDENT and staffed at the highest levels by internationally acknowledged, independent experts on humanitarian law and practice.

Wish us luck, and please feel free to use any ideas in this post in discussion or correspondence with your Congresspersons.
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U.S. Democracy in Crisis
Time for change


The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
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