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THE UNFULFILLED PROMISE
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion (01/01/06 through 01/22/2007)
Sun Jul 02nd 2006, 01:00 PM
Any American politician who speaks of our commitment to the Iraqi people as a rationale for continuing to occupy their country should be ready to address evidence of how the Iraqis themselves feel about that “commitment” .
The Bush administration, in its attempt to justify approximately 40,000 dead Iraqis, more than 2,500 dead and 20,000 wounded American soldiers, a cost to the United States so far of nearly $300 billion, and our continued occupation of Iraq, has repeatedly claimed that a major reason for that continued occupation is to fulfill our commitment to the Iraqi people. Therefore, given the huge costs in life and money and the stated reasons for our continued occupation, it behooves anyone concerned with our policy in Iraq to be aware of how the Iraqi people themselves feel about that occupation.

The Brookings Institution has produced a document entitled “Iraq Index – Tracking Variables of Reconstruction and Security in Post-Saddam Iraq”, which contains the results of several polls of the Iraqi people on their opinions of the U.S. occupation of their country, among other issues.

I summarize here the most recent poll results that are the most pertinent to the issue of Iraqi opinion of the US occupation, in three categories: Opinions on the performance of the U.S. led occupation forces; opinions on how long the occupation forces should stay; and, opinions of the U.S. government and people that may provide some clue to the reasons for the other poll results:


Opinions on the performance of the U.S. led occupation forces

The poll respondents were asked: Regarding US non-military assistance in the following categories, do you approve or disapprove? They were given three choices: Approve – US doing a good job; approve – but US doing a poor job; or, disapprove. Below are the percent of respondents who answered that they approve of the assistance and that the US is doing a good job:

Percent Iraqis approving of the following non-military services provided by US forces, and who believe that the US is doing a good job of providing the service
(World Public Opinion.Org Poll – January 31, 2006)


 Economic development: 29%
 Assisting with the oil industry: 28%
 Training Iraqi security forces: 33%
 Helping build Iraqi government institutions: 23%
 Infrastructure: 20%
 Helping to mediate between ethnic groups: 17%
 Helping Iraqis organize their communities: 25%

Of the remaining respondents, approximately 60% said that they approved of having the service provided, but that the US was doing a poor job, and the other approximately 40% said that they disapproved of having the assistance provided, period.


Several questions from different polls related to the Iraqi opinions of the US led forces with respect to their military function:

 In February 2005, 71% said they “oppose” the coalition and 76% said that they have little or no confidence in the US military forces improving the situation in Iraq. In the same poll, 76% said that they have quite a lot or a great deal of confidence in the Iraqi National Guard improving the situation in Iraq (US Military poll.)

 In August 2005, 82% said they were “strongly opposed” to the presence of coalition troops (British Ministry of Defense Poll)

 In October-November 2005, 64% said that they “oppose or strongly oppose” coalition forces in Iraq (Time/ABC News Poll)


When the question became more specific, the favorable opinion of the US led forces plummeted even further:

 In August 2005, less than 1% said that coalition forces were responsible for ANY improvement in security (British Ministry of Defense Poll)

 In March 23-31, 2006, only 1% said that they preferred the coalitions forces to “protect your personal safety”, compared to 78% for the Iraqi Army and police combined. (International Republican Institute)

And finally, as an indication of just how strong the opposition is in some quarters, a January 2006 poll indicated that 47% actually support attacks on US led forces (World Public Opinion.Org Poll).


Opinions on how long US led forces should stay

The January 2006 World Public Opinion.Org Poll indicated that 87% or Iraqis “approve the government endorsing a timeline for US withdrawal”. The Time/ABC News poll of October-November 2005 provided more specifics on this question, with the following choices for when coalition forces should leave Iraq:

 Now: 26%
 When Iraqi security forces are ready: 16%
 After a new government is in place: 19%
 When security is restored: 31%


Other opinions of the US government and people

I found three poll questions that provided clues to why the Iraqi people think so poorly of the US led coalition forces:

Do you think the US government plans to have permanent military bases in Iraq?
(World Public Opinion.Org Poll – January 31, 2006)
Yes: 80%

If the new Iraqi government were to tell the US to withdraw all its forces within six months, do you think the US would do so?
(World Public Opinion.Org Poll – January 31, 2006)
Yes: 23%

Do you believe that the abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib represents less than 100 people, or do you believe that all Americans are like this?
(Coalition Provision Authority Poll – May 2004)
All Americans are like this: 54%
Note: This was an ambiguous question, since the only two choices they were given were at the extremes (All Americans are like this or less than 100).


Summary of opinion polls of Iraqis on the US occupation of their country

A total of ten poll questions from four different polls from 2005-2006, dealing with both military and non-military issues, consistently show that Iraqis give low marks to the US led coalition forces, ranging from 17% to 33% approval. Disapproval is strong enough among substantial portions of the Iraqi population that 47% say that they actually support attacks on US troops. And only 1% say that they prefer the coalition forces to other available sources of security (such as the Iraqi police or army) or that the coalition forces have resulted in any improvement in security.

Although Iraqis differ on exactly when they would like US troops to leave, they overwhelmingly agree that they should leave, with 87% favoring the setting of a timeline for withdrawal.

Beyond the inability of the coalition forces to provide for the security or other needs of the Iraqis, the Iraqi desire to have the US leave as soon as possible is also based on their distrust of the intentions of American leaders. Polling results show that most Iraqis believe that the United States intends to stay for a long time, if not permanently, regardless of the wishes of Iraqi citizens. That should not be surprising, given that the Bush administration has done little or nothing to ease such fears. The revelations of the torture of Iraqi prisoners further undermine the confidence that Iraqis have in the US occupation of their country.


Conclusion

Anthony Shadid, in his Pulitzer prize winning book, “Night Draws Near – Iraq’s People in the Shadow of American War”, provides additional clues as to why the Iraqis have such a negative view of their occupiers today. Prior to the US invasion, Iraqi opinions of the coming war were extremely varied, with dread being mixed with anticipated relief of having Saddam Hussein removed from power. But following the invasion of Baghdad, as time wore on it became obvious that, though the American forces proved very aggressive at protecting oil supplies, they (i.e., our leaders) were much less interested in restoring to normalcy other aspects of Iraqi life, such as the availability of electricity, which many Iraqis were without for several months. It was very difficult for Iraqis to believe that a country as powerful as ours couldn’t do a better job of providing basic government security and other services if we cared. And of course, the provision of extremely lucrative no-bid contracts to long time benefactors of the Bush administration, along with failure to hold them accountable for the fulfillment of those contracts, didn’t help to foster confidence.

The Bush administration and politicians of all stripes claim that a major reason for our continuing presence in Iraq is to fulfill a commitment to the Iraqi people. These polls cast a great deal of doubt on whether our continuing presence in Iraq is of any benefit to them. With the rapidly mounting costs of our continued occupation, in blood and treasure, we would do well to thoroughly consider how the Iraqi people feel about our occupation of their country. Any American politician who speaks of our commitment to the Iraqi people as a rationale for continuing to occupy their country should be ready to address evidence of how the Iraqis themselves feel about that “commitment” if he or she wants to be taken seriously on that issue.
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The Unfulfilled Promise
The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream: The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals




Time for change


Notwithstanding the lofty sentiments and purpose of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the reality of the United States of America did not then – and never has – lived up to its ideal. Our nation remains today a long way from fulfilling the promise implied by those ideals. Yet, our Declaration was a great start, and it has long shone as a beacon of hope for people all over the world.

Throughout our history, while many have striven to close the gap between our highest ideals and the reality of our nation, others have focused on the accumulation of private wealth and power, at the expense of everyone else. In recent decades the latter have gained much ground, leading to increasing imperialism abroad and deteriorating democracy at home, characterized by routine (and legal) bribery of our public officials, the fusion of government and private corporate interests (corporatocracy), a corrupt election system largely in the hands of private corporations, a corporate controlled communications media, and the widespread acceptance of Executive Branch secrecy, routinely justified with little if any questioning, by the magic words “national security”. All of this is rapidly turning our country from the democracy proclaimed at our founding into a plutocracy (government by the wealthy and for the wealthy). The result is the most obscene wealth gap our country has ever known, the highest imprisonment rate in the world, rampant militarism, routine flaunting of international law, the least efficient health care system in the developed world, a pending environmental catastrophe that threatens to destroy the life sustaining forces of our planet, and myriad other problems that threaten to destroy our nation and tyrannize our people.

My new book, The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream – The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals, explores the roots and consequences of the demise of our democracy, and why most Americans have been unable to understand this process or even become aware of it. A good understanding of why and how we have deviated so greatly from the ideals of our nation is the first and necessary step towards getting back on the right track and revitalizing our society.

The book is currently being sold in electronic PDF format and can be purchased at http://www.unfulfilledpromise.com/Buy-the-... for $3.99. It will also soon be available in Amazon Kindle format. DU members who cannot afford to buy the book but would like to read it can pm me with your e-mail address, and I will send you a free PDF copy.

I’ve previously posted on DU a slightly earlier version of the introduction to the book, which is also posted at my site. Here is the Table of Contents, followed by a brief description of the three parts of the book:


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Acknowledgements
Prologue – What is Wrong with the United States of America?

Part I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy
Chapter 1 – Legalized Bribery
Chapter 2 – Human Psychological Factors
Chapter 3 – Corporatocracy
Chapter 4 – Corporate Control of Media
Chapter 5 – Corrupt Election System
Chapter 6 – Government Secrecy
Chapter 7 – American Exceptionalism

Part II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions
Chapter 8 – Slavery and its Legacy
Chapter 9 – Early U.S. Imperialism
Chapter 10 – U.S. Imperialism in Cold War
Chapter 11 – Iraq War and Occupation
Chapter 12 – Afghanistan War

Part III – Consequences
Chapter 13 – Election of George W. Bush
Chapter 14 – War and Imperialism
Chapter 15 – Class Warfare
Chapter 16 – Predator Financial Class
Chapter 17 – Shock Therapy
Chapter 18 – Contempt for Int. Law
Chapter 19 – The “War on Drugs”
Chapter 20 – Climate Change
Chapter 21 – “War on Terror”
Chapter 22 – Health Care
Chapter 23 – Unaccountable government
Chapter 24 – Response to 9/11 Attacks
Epilogue


PART I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy

It is somewhat difficult to separate the causes of our problems from their consequences, since they combine to form a long chain of cause leading to consequence, leading to more consequences, etcetera. Nevertheless, it seems worth while to identify the root causes of our problems, those that occur early in the chain and lead to so many of the tragic consequences we see today. The only chance we have of reversing the demise of our democracy is through addressing and attacking its root causes.

At the top of the list is the systematic bribery of public officials by the powerful corporations (Chapter 1) whom our government is charged with regulating in the public interest. Instead of calling it bribery, we call it “campaign contributions”, but what we call it isn’t as important as what it is. It is hard to fathom how democracy can survive when such a practice is legal and condoned.

Working in tandem with our system of legalized bribery is the nature of the people who inhabit our country. That is not to say that Americans are inherently substantially different than any other people. Human beings are imperfect, and that is probably a major reason why in a world where civilization began more than five millennia ago, the oldest written national framework of government in the world today – the Constitution of the United States of America – is only a little more than two and a quarter centuries old. Chapter 2 explores the roles of basic human needs, authoritarianism, psychological defense mechanisms used to prevent us from perceiving reality as it is rather than as we’d like it to be, and corrupted ideologies in causing us to passively accept the accumulation of power in the hands of ambitious and ruthless individuals who care about little else than expanding their own wealth and power.

When bribery of public officials is tolerated as an inevitable aspect of public life, government inevitably grows close to the wealthy interests that shower it with money in return for legislative and other favors. A malevolent symbiosis grows between the state and corporate power, resulting in rule by an oligarchy that is highly detrimental to the lives of ordinary people (Chapter 3). Using their accumulated wealth and power to manipulate our legislative process, the oligarchy grabs for more and more control of the communications media (Chapter 4) that are used to control the information available to and shape the attitudes of our nation’s people, in pursuit of their own narrow interests.

Since the 1980s an orchestrated campaign has been underway to demonize “big government”, thereby paving the way for private corporate control over more and more functions that were previously deemed intrinsic functions of government. Among those functions is the running of public elections (Chapter 5) – the function that symbolizes democracy perhaps more than any other single function. Consequently, the purging of selected registered voters from our computerized voter rolls has become a routine recurring event throughout much of our country, and without a doubt determined the results of the 2000 – and probably 2004 as well – presidential election. Just as bad, more and more of the counting of votes in our public elections have been turned over to private corporations, which count our votes using electronic machines using secret software to produce vote counts that cannot be verified by anyone.

Bribery, the fusion of government and private interest, fake and biased news, and corrupt elections are not things that government and its corporate allies want us to know about. Consequently, they construct walls of secrecy (Chapter 6) to keep us from obtaining information that sheds light on their activities. The perfect phrase for facilitating this is “national security”. When our government tells us that the “national security” requires that certain things be kept secret from us, the understanding is that to question such a pronouncement is unpatriotic, and to actually attempt to obtain the “secret” information may be treasonous.

But indefinitely maintaining secrets from the American people can be very difficult, because at least some people want to know what their government is up to. So in addition to the formal mechanisms of secrecy, informal mechanisms are constructed (Chapter 7) to keep vital information away from us. One of the primary methods for doing this is to make certain sensitive subjects taboo – that is, to create the widespread belief that discussion of these topics is so outside the bounds of acceptable human discourse that anyone who discusses them should be shunned by society, or worse. The most common issue that falls into this category is any discussion that sheds light on the disparity between American ideals and the reality of life in our country today.


PART II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions in U.S. History

Notwithstanding the fact that our founding document says that “all men are created equal” and speaks of the inalienable rights of humankind, the United States has throughout its history partaken of massive exploitation of other peoples.

It is estimated that at the time of our birth, 18% of our population was black slaves. In our expansion westwards during the late 18th and 19th centuries, we decimated the original inhabitants of our continent, and often treated them with great cruelty. In 1846 we manufactured an excuse for war with our neighbor Mexico, in which we continued to expand our country westwards and southwards. In 1893 we began our overseas imperialism with the conquest of Hawaii. Our overseas expansion was greatly accelerated in 1898 with our participation in the Spanish-American War, which led to our conquest of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. With our arrival at world superpower status at the end of World War II, we began the Cold War, which led to and served as a rationalization for covert and/or direct military actions against myriad foreign nations over the next 46 years. With the September 11, 2001 attacks on our country, we declared a perpetual “War on Terror”, which served and continues to serve as an excuse to invade and occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, nations that posed no threat to us. We do not know when or if this perpetual war will ever end. We don’t know how many additional imperial conquests it will lead to.

Most Americans don’t think much about all this. Many of these actions are done in secrecy, and the American people don’t find out about them until many years later – or we never find out about them at all. Those that we do know about are spun into the most favorable light, to make them seem benign or even noble.

But these actions come at great costs: in the lives of our soldiers; in the ruined lives of the peoples of the victim countries; in trillions of dollars cost to our people and their future generations; in our international reputation; in anti-American hatred leading to terrorism; and, to our democracy itself. For how can a nation claim to believe in the inalienable rights of humankind specified in its founding document, while making a mockery of that belief in the way it treats other peoples? For that reason alone it is worth while to take a brief look at our long history of imperialist actions.


PART III – Consequences

In the Prologue I give a brief account of what I see as some of the worst and tragic consequences of the root causes that I discuss in Part I – to enable the reader to see where this book is heading. When elections of our public officials are for sale to the highest bidder… when our public officials are so addicted to the “campaign contributions” of their wealthiest constituents that they develop a symbiotic relationship with them… when our communications media are owned and controlled by an oligarchy of wealthy elites… when our citizenry lack the ability to differentiate propaganda from reality… when we allow machines provided by private corporations to count our votes using secret electronic software… then we should expect that the consequences will not be pretty or comfortable for the vast majority of our citizens.

In Part III, I explore those consequences in much greater detail, in the hope that the reader will agree with me that these are very serious problems, and that they must be successfully addressed if our country is ever to fulfill the promise of its ideals, or even make progress in that direction. When enough Americans recognize our problems as problems, stripped of the gloss and spin put on them by our oligarchy, they will rise up and do something about them. Until then there will be no progress, and we are very likely to head in the direction of all the former empires of our planet, ending in chaos, widespread catastrophe, suffering, and ignominy.

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