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THE UNFULFILLED PROMISE
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion (1/22-2007 thru 12/14/2010)
Wed Jul 01st 2009, 09:31 PM
Had JFK allowed his military to push him into a “successful” nuclear first-strike against the USSR, the worst crime in world history would have been perpetrated upon humanity, with the deaths of at least 140 million Soviets and 30 million Americans
Three days before the end of his Presidency, on January 17, 1961 President Eisenhower warned us against:

the acquisition of unwarranted influence… by the military-industrial complex: the potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power (which) exists and will persist, (which) we must never let … endanger our liberties or democratic processes…

That farewell address has often been characterized as prophetic. However, it may just as well be characterized as a little too little and too late. James Douglass, in “JFK and the Unspeakable”, says this about it:

Eisenhower himself never used the power of his presidency to challenge this new threat to democracy. He simply identified it in a memorable way when he was about to leave office. He thereby passed on the possibility of resisting it to his successor.

As luck would have it, his successor attempted the most heroic resistance to the Military-Industrial complex of any U.S. President in our history.

In a previous post I discussed John F. Kennedy’s repeated efforts to keep our country out of a nuclear war by refusing under great pressure from his military and CIA to initiate or increase our military involvement in countries that would have inflamed tensions with the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Specifically, I spoke about how he worked out a diplomatic rather than a military solution for power sharing in Laos; his promotion of an independent Congo; his four successful attempts to avoid an invasion of Cuba despite the persistent urging of his military to invade, including his refusal to use the U.S. military at the Bay of Pigs in April 1961; his veto of Operation Northwoods, a false flag operation devised by his military to serve as an excuse to invade Cuba; his refusal to invade Cuba during the Cuban Missile Crisis; and his use of his military in the spring of 1963 to combat CIA sponsored attacks on Cuba; his plans for withdrawal from Vietnam prior to his untimely death later in 1963; his refusal to accede to CIA plans to overthrow the leftist government of Indonesia; and his plans for ending the Cold War.

Beyond that, Kennedy also resisted efforts of his military to draw him into a nuclear first strike against the Soviet Union, which undoubtedly would have proved disastrous for both our countries. Americans should know a lot more about this than they do, if for no other reason than for obtaining a better understanding of just how dangerous our Military-Industrial Complex is, and inspiring them to stand less in awe of it, and focus more on resisting it instead.

Douglass discusses these efforts in his book, beginning with the July 21, 1961 National Security Council (NSC) meeting.


July 21, 1961 NSC meeting

James Galbraith, the son of Kennedy’s friend and ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith, discussed the implications of the July 1961 NSC meeting in an article he co-authored, titled “Did the U.S. Military Plan a Nuclear First Strike for 1963? – Recently declassified information shows that the military presented President Kennedy with a plan for a surprise nuclear attack on the Soviet Union in the early 1960s”.

At that meeting, General Hickey, Chairman of the “Net Evaluation Subcommittee”, along with General Lemnitzer, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and CIA Director Allan Dulles, presented a plan for a first strike nuclear attack again the Soviet Union. In response, Kennedy raised a series of questions, including what would be the likely damage to the USSR and how long U.S. citizens would have to remain in fallout shelters following the attack.

Roswell Gilpatric, Kennedy’s Deputy Secretary of Defense, describes how that meeting ended: “Finally Kennedy got up and walked right out in the middle of it, and that was the end of it”. Kennedy also remarked to Secretary of State Dean Rusk, “And we call ourselves the human race.”


Interim between the 1961 and September 1963 NSC meetings

In August, 1961, East Germany began building of the Berlin Wall. In October, Kennedy’s personal representative in Berlin, General Lucius Clay, tried to force a military confrontation over the wall, which eventually resulted in a face off of American and Soviet tanks by October 27th. With both the Soviet and American leaders under intense pressure from their militaries not to back down, Kennedy used back channel negotiations with Khrushchev to secure a compromise agreement (pp 259-60): If Khrushchev would withdraw his tanks, Kennedy would reciprocate a half hour later. Khrushchev agreed, withdrew his tanks, and Kennedy reciprocated as promised (This series of events foreshadowed a similar crisis resolution in the Cuban Missile Crisis about a year later). The intentions of General Clay were shortly revealed in an angry telegram, in which he stated:

Today, we have the nuclear strength to assure victory at awful cost. It no longer suffices to consider our strength as a deterrent only and to plan to use it only in retaliation. No ground probes on the highway which would use force should or could be undertaken unless we are prepared instantly to follow them with a nuclear strike. It is certain that within two or more years retaliatory power will be useless…

Following Kennedy’s successful diplomatic resolution of the Cuban Missile crisis of October 1962, Kennedy told Arthur Schlesinger “The Military are mad. They wanted to do this (meaning an invasion of Cuba, possibly accompanied by a preemptive nuclear strike on the Soviet Union).

One month after that, the Joint Chiefs were pushing again for first-strike nuclear capability, sending a memo to Defense Secretary McNamara stating “The Joint Chiefs consider that a first-strike capability is both feasible and desirable”. McNamara told Kennedy about this, adding that the Air Force was developing specific proposals “based on the objectives of developing a first-strike capability”. He recommended to Kennedy that this “should be rejected as a U.S. policy objective”. More specifically and ominously, McNamara told Kennedy that what was at issue was whether the U.S. military should:

attempt to achieve a capability to start a thermonuclear war in which the resulting damage to ourselves and our Allies could be considered acceptable on some reasonable definition of the term.


September 12, 1963 NSC meeting

At the September 1963 NSC meeting, Kennedy’s military again tried to push him towards a nuclear first-strike capability against the Soviet Union. But this time, rather than stalking out of the meeting, Kennedy engaged his military in order to get a more exact idea of what they were up to. At least Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara was on his side. Here are some of the relevant excerpts from a summary of the meeting (See Summary Record of the 517th Meeting of the NSC):

PRES. KENNEDY: De Gaulle believes even the small nuclear force he is planning will be big enough to cause unacceptable damage to the USSR… Why do we need to have as much defense as we have if, as it appears, the strategy is based on the assumption that even if we strike first we cannot protect the security of the U.S. in nuclear warfare?

GEN JOHNSON: No matter what we do we can't get below 51 million casualties (to the United States) in the event of a nuclear exchange. We can, however, bring down this number by undertaking additional weapons programs.

PRES. KENNEDY: Doesn’t that get us into the overkill business?

GEN. JOHNSON: No, sir. We can cut down U.S. losses if we knock out more Soviet missiles by having more U.S. missiles and more accurate U.S. missiles. The more Soviet missiles we can destroy the less the loss to us…

Each of the strategies (recommended in the report) used against the USSR results in at least 140 million fatalities in the USSR. Our problem is how to catch more of the Soviet missiles before they are launched and how to destroy more of the missiles in the air over the U.S….

SEC. MCNAMARA: There is no way of launching a no-alert attack against the USSR which would be acceptable. No such attack… could be carried out without 30 million U.S. fatalities – an obviously unacceptable number… The President deserves an answer to his question as to why we have to have so large a force….

PRES. KENNEDY: I understand… Preemption is not possible for us. This is a valuable conclusion growing out of an excellent report…

GEN. JOHNSON: I would be very disturbed if the President considered this report indicated that we could reduce our forces and/or not continue to increase those programmed…

I have concluded from the calculations that we could fight a limited war using nuclear weapons without fear that the Soviets would reply by going to all-out war.

PRES. KENNEDY: I have been told that if I ever released a nuclear weapon on the battlefield, I should start a pre-emptive attack on the Soviet Union as the use of nuclear weapons was bound to escalate and we might as well get the advantage by going first…


The situation facing Kennedy in the fall of 1963

Most of President Kennedy’s presidency was spent resisting pressure from his military and CIA to draw him into military confrontations that could easily have escalated into thermonuclear war.

It began very early in his Presidency, when his military and CIA presented him with plans left over from his predecessor’s administration to sponsor a group of Cuban exiles to invade Cuba. Kennedy’s CIA assured him that no direct U.S. military intervention would be required – that in response to the invasion of the Cuban exiles, the Cuban people would rise up and overthrow the Castro government. Kennedy reluctantly went along with the plan, making it clear that there would be no direct U.S. military intervention. The Cuban exiles, with CIA assistance, invaded Cuba on April 15, 1961. The CIA’s predictions or promises did not come to fruition – or more likely they simply lied about them in the first place. The Cuban people did not rise up. The Cuban exiles were quickly defeated and captured or killed. In response, the U.S. military chiefs and CIA strongly urged the President to use his military to rescue the situation. When he refused he earned himself the everlasting hatred of the Cuban exile community and his own military. When he fired his top CIA leaders he earned their hatred as well.

The discussion in this post can be seen in the same light. While not specifically recommending a date for a nuclear first-strike, Kennedy’s military repeatedly pushed for the development of first strike capability for nuclear war, while at the same time repeatedly trying to maneuver the President into military actions that would risk nuclear confrontation. But President Kennedy had learned his lesson from the Bay of Pigs fiasco and never again let his military maneuver him into a similar situation.


The cult of secrecy in the United States

All of this occurred without the knowledge of the American people. The false flag operation, “Operation Northwoods”, though planned by the Joint Chiefs of Staff in 1962 for the purpose of inciting war against Cuba, was classified as “Top Secret”, and it didn’t come to the attention of the American people until approximately four decades later. Even then it received very little attention from our national news media, and consequently, few Americans have heard of it.

Whenever our government wishes to withhold information from the American people, it simply plays the “national security” card. But it is rarely about national security. Rather, the “national security” excuse has been routinely used by our government to avoid embarrassment or criminal liability. Preemptive war is not only a war crime, it has been defined as the worst war crime of all, in that “It is the supreme international crime, differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole”. Yet, whenever our government commits itself to war it plays the “national security” card so that its motives for war cannot be evaluated by its own citizens.

Had President Kennedy allowed his military to dictate policy during the window of time during which they felt that they had the nuclear superiority to conduct a “successful” nuclear war against the Soviet Union, it is very possible that the worst crime in the history of the world would have been perpetrated upon humanity. We’re talking about the deaths of at least 140 million innocent Soviet citizens and 30 million innocent Americans. But it’s a lot worse than it sounds on the surface. Life likely would have been a living hell for many or most of the survivors, with much of our agricultural lands ruined, much of our food, water and air contaminated with nuclear fallout and our economy in shambles. But undoubtedly the perpetrators would have made arrangements for some sort of golden parachute before they went ahead with their scheme.

As citizens of a democracy we should know about these things. One could counter that statement by noting that if a preemptive strike against a foreign nation is made public knowledge, then that would destroy our strategic military advantage. But why should we have to wait several decades to hear about it? And in any event, this would have been an atrocity of the first magnitude and resulted in the deaths of tens of millions of Americans. We the American people have a right to weigh in on such matters.


Lessons for today

The Neoconservative elites of today are the equivalent of the military/CIA cabal in the Kennedy administration that repeatedly tried to maneuver him into war. What if Seymour Hersh hadn’t exposed the Bush/Cheney administration’s plans to start a war with Iran? That exposure angered large portions of the American public, and in so doing may have prevented another catastrophic war. Certainly Bush or Cheney weren’t about to tell us about their plans until they had their ducks lined up and ready to go.

The American people need to know about the policies and actions of their government – past and present. Without such knowledge we lack that ability to assess or have meaningful input into what our government does in our name, and we lack the ability to learn from past mistakes. James Galbraith and Heather Purcell sum up their article with:

In any event, the fact that first-strike planning got as far as it did raises grave questions about the history of the Cold War. Much more needs to be known: about nuclear decision-making… about the events of late 1963, about later technical developments… Surely it is now time to declassify all records on this and related history.

If that recommendation is valid with regard to the events of 1960 – and it is – then it is all the more relevant to later events, and especially to current events of great national and international importance.

The “national security” excuse for withholding crucial information from the American public on the sole decision of the President of the United States is a recipe for tyranny. Furthermore, historically it has cost us far more than it has helped us – resulting in the creation of enemies around the world through the assassination of leaders considered unfriendly to corporate interests, the overthrow of foreign governments, and the invasion of sovereign nations under false pretenses. If not for a multitude of illegal and immoral acts performed by the U.S. government in secrecy or hidden under cover of secret machinations, we would by now have much less need for wasting nearly a trillion dollars annually on military expenditures, having progressed much further towards the goals of the United Nations:

To save succeeding generations from the scourge of war… to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life…

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The Unfulfilled Promise
The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream: The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals




Time for change


Notwithstanding the lofty sentiments and purpose of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the reality of the United States of America did not then – and never has – lived up to its ideal. Our nation remains today a long way from fulfilling the promise implied by those ideals. Yet, our Declaration was a great start, and it has long shone as a beacon of hope for people all over the world.

Throughout our history, while many have striven to close the gap between our highest ideals and the reality of our nation, others have focused on the accumulation of private wealth and power, at the expense of everyone else. In recent decades the latter have gained much ground, leading to increasing imperialism abroad and deteriorating democracy at home, characterized by routine (and legal) bribery of our public officials, the fusion of government and private corporate interests (corporatocracy), a corrupt election system largely in the hands of private corporations, a corporate controlled communications media, and the widespread acceptance of Executive Branch secrecy, routinely justified with little if any questioning, by the magic words “national security”. All of this is rapidly turning our country from the democracy proclaimed at our founding into a plutocracy (government by the wealthy and for the wealthy). The result is the most obscene wealth gap our country has ever known, the highest imprisonment rate in the world, rampant militarism, routine flaunting of international law, the least efficient health care system in the developed world, a pending environmental catastrophe that threatens to destroy the life sustaining forces of our planet, and myriad other problems that threaten to destroy our nation and tyrannize our people.

My new book, The Unfulfilled Promise of the American Dream – The Widening Gap between the Reality of the United States and its Highest Ideals, explores the roots and consequences of the demise of our democracy, and why most Americans have been unable to understand this process or even become aware of it. A good understanding of why and how we have deviated so greatly from the ideals of our nation is the first and necessary step towards getting back on the right track and revitalizing our society.

The book is currently being sold in electronic PDF format and can be purchased at http://www.unfulfilledpromise.com/Buy-the-... for $3.99. It will also soon be available in Amazon Kindle format. DU members who cannot afford to buy the book but would like to read it can pm me with your e-mail address, and I will send you a free PDF copy.

I’ve previously posted on DU a slightly earlier version of the introduction to the book, which is also posted at my site. Here is the Table of Contents, followed by a brief description of the three parts of the book:


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Acknowledgements
Prologue – What is Wrong with the United States of America?

Part I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy
Chapter 1 – Legalized Bribery
Chapter 2 – Human Psychological Factors
Chapter 3 – Corporatocracy
Chapter 4 – Corporate Control of Media
Chapter 5 – Corrupt Election System
Chapter 6 – Government Secrecy
Chapter 7 – American Exceptionalism

Part II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions
Chapter 8 – Slavery and its Legacy
Chapter 9 – Early U.S. Imperialism
Chapter 10 – U.S. Imperialism in Cold War
Chapter 11 – Iraq War and Occupation
Chapter 12 – Afghanistan War

Part III – Consequences
Chapter 13 – Election of George W. Bush
Chapter 14 – War and Imperialism
Chapter 15 – Class Warfare
Chapter 16 – Predator Financial Class
Chapter 17 – Shock Therapy
Chapter 18 – Contempt for Int. Law
Chapter 19 – The “War on Drugs”
Chapter 20 – Climate Change
Chapter 21 – “War on Terror”
Chapter 22 – Health Care
Chapter 23 – Unaccountable government
Chapter 24 – Response to 9/11 Attacks
Epilogue


PART I – Root Causes of the Impending Demise of American Democracy

It is somewhat difficult to separate the causes of our problems from their consequences, since they combine to form a long chain of cause leading to consequence, leading to more consequences, etcetera. Nevertheless, it seems worth while to identify the root causes of our problems, those that occur early in the chain and lead to so many of the tragic consequences we see today. The only chance we have of reversing the demise of our democracy is through addressing and attacking its root causes.

At the top of the list is the systematic bribery of public officials by the powerful corporations (Chapter 1) whom our government is charged with regulating in the public interest. Instead of calling it bribery, we call it “campaign contributions”, but what we call it isn’t as important as what it is. It is hard to fathom how democracy can survive when such a practice is legal and condoned.

Working in tandem with our system of legalized bribery is the nature of the people who inhabit our country. That is not to say that Americans are inherently substantially different than any other people. Human beings are imperfect, and that is probably a major reason why in a world where civilization began more than five millennia ago, the oldest written national framework of government in the world today – the Constitution of the United States of America – is only a little more than two and a quarter centuries old. Chapter 2 explores the roles of basic human needs, authoritarianism, psychological defense mechanisms used to prevent us from perceiving reality as it is rather than as we’d like it to be, and corrupted ideologies in causing us to passively accept the accumulation of power in the hands of ambitious and ruthless individuals who care about little else than expanding their own wealth and power.

When bribery of public officials is tolerated as an inevitable aspect of public life, government inevitably grows close to the wealthy interests that shower it with money in return for legislative and other favors. A malevolent symbiosis grows between the state and corporate power, resulting in rule by an oligarchy that is highly detrimental to the lives of ordinary people (Chapter 3). Using their accumulated wealth and power to manipulate our legislative process, the oligarchy grabs for more and more control of the communications media (Chapter 4) that are used to control the information available to and shape the attitudes of our nation’s people, in pursuit of their own narrow interests.

Since the 1980s an orchestrated campaign has been underway to demonize “big government”, thereby paving the way for private corporate control over more and more functions that were previously deemed intrinsic functions of government. Among those functions is the running of public elections (Chapter 5) – the function that symbolizes democracy perhaps more than any other single function. Consequently, the purging of selected registered voters from our computerized voter rolls has become a routine recurring event throughout much of our country, and without a doubt determined the results of the 2000 – and probably 2004 as well – presidential election. Just as bad, more and more of the counting of votes in our public elections have been turned over to private corporations, which count our votes using electronic machines using secret software to produce vote counts that cannot be verified by anyone.

Bribery, the fusion of government and private interest, fake and biased news, and corrupt elections are not things that government and its corporate allies want us to know about. Consequently, they construct walls of secrecy (Chapter 6) to keep us from obtaining information that sheds light on their activities. The perfect phrase for facilitating this is “national security”. When our government tells us that the “national security” requires that certain things be kept secret from us, the understanding is that to question such a pronouncement is unpatriotic, and to actually attempt to obtain the “secret” information may be treasonous.

But indefinitely maintaining secrets from the American people can be very difficult, because at least some people want to know what their government is up to. So in addition to the formal mechanisms of secrecy, informal mechanisms are constructed (Chapter 7) to keep vital information away from us. One of the primary methods for doing this is to make certain sensitive subjects taboo – that is, to create the widespread belief that discussion of these topics is so outside the bounds of acceptable human discourse that anyone who discusses them should be shunned by society, or worse. The most common issue that falls into this category is any discussion that sheds light on the disparity between American ideals and the reality of life in our country today.


PART II – A Sampling of Imperialist Actions in U.S. History

Notwithstanding the fact that our founding document says that “all men are created equal” and speaks of the inalienable rights of humankind, the United States has throughout its history partaken of massive exploitation of other peoples.

It is estimated that at the time of our birth, 18% of our population was black slaves. In our expansion westwards during the late 18th and 19th centuries, we decimated the original inhabitants of our continent, and often treated them with great cruelty. In 1846 we manufactured an excuse for war with our neighbor Mexico, in which we continued to expand our country westwards and southwards. In 1893 we began our overseas imperialism with the conquest of Hawaii. Our overseas expansion was greatly accelerated in 1898 with our participation in the Spanish-American War, which led to our conquest of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. With our arrival at world superpower status at the end of World War II, we began the Cold War, which led to and served as a rationalization for covert and/or direct military actions against myriad foreign nations over the next 46 years. With the September 11, 2001 attacks on our country, we declared a perpetual “War on Terror”, which served and continues to serve as an excuse to invade and occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, nations that posed no threat to us. We do not know when or if this perpetual war will ever end. We don’t know how many additional imperial conquests it will lead to.

Most Americans don’t think much about all this. Many of these actions are done in secrecy, and the American people don’t find out about them until many years later – or we never find out about them at all. Those that we do know about are spun into the most favorable light, to make them seem benign or even noble.

But these actions come at great costs: in the lives of our soldiers; in the ruined lives of the peoples of the victim countries; in trillions of dollars cost to our people and their future generations; in our international reputation; in anti-American hatred leading to terrorism; and, to our democracy itself. For how can a nation claim to believe in the inalienable rights of humankind specified in its founding document, while making a mockery of that belief in the way it treats other peoples? For that reason alone it is worth while to take a brief look at our long history of imperialist actions.


PART III – Consequences

In the Prologue I give a brief account of what I see as some of the worst and tragic consequences of the root causes that I discuss in Part I – to enable the reader to see where this book is heading. When elections of our public officials are for sale to the highest bidder… when our public officials are so addicted to the “campaign contributions” of their wealthiest constituents that they develop a symbiotic relationship with them… when our communications media are owned and controlled by an oligarchy of wealthy elites… when our citizenry lack the ability to differentiate propaganda from reality… when we allow machines provided by private corporations to count our votes using secret electronic software… then we should expect that the consequences will not be pretty or comfortable for the vast majority of our citizens.

In Part III, I explore those consequences in much greater detail, in the hope that the reader will agree with me that these are very serious problems, and that they must be successfully addressed if our country is ever to fulfill the promise of its ideals, or even make progress in that direction. When enough Americans recognize our problems as problems, stripped of the gloss and spin put on them by our oligarchy, they will rise up and do something about them. Until then there will be no progress, and we are very likely to head in the direction of all the former empires of our planet, ending in chaos, widespread catastrophe, suffering, and ignominy.

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