Latest Threads
Latest
Greatest Threads
Greatest
Lobby
Lobby
Journals
Journals
Search
Search
Options
Options
Help
Help
Login
Login
Home » Discuss » Journals » Time for change » Read entry Donate to DU
Advertise Liberally! The Liberal Blog Advertising Network
Advertise on more than 70 progressive blogs!
Time for change's Journal
Posted by Time for change in General Discussion
Wed Jul 01st 2009, 09:31 PM
Had JFK allowed his military to push him into a “successful” nuclear first-strike against the USSR, the worst crime in world history would have been perpetrated upon humanity, with the deaths of at least 140 million Soviets and 30 million Americans
Three days before the end of his Presidency, on January 17, 1961 President Eisenhower warned us against:

the acquisition of unwarranted influence… by the military-industrial complex: the potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power (which) exists and will persist, (which) we must never let … endanger our liberties or democratic processes…

That farewell address has often been characterized as prophetic. However, it may just as well be characterized as a little too little and too late. James Douglass, in “JFK and the Unspeakable”, says this about it:

Eisenhower himself never used the power of his presidency to challenge this new threat to democracy. He simply identified it in a memorable way when he was about to leave office. He thereby passed on the possibility of resisting it to his successor.

As luck would have it, his successor attempted the most heroic resistance to the Military-Industrial complex of any U.S. President in our history.

In a previous post I discussed John F. Kennedy’s repeated efforts to keep our country out of a nuclear war by refusing under great pressure from his military and CIA to initiate or increase our military involvement in countries that would have inflamed tensions with the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Specifically, I spoke about how he worked out a diplomatic rather than a military solution for power sharing in Laos; his promotion of an independent Congo; his four successful attempts to avoid an invasion of Cuba despite the persistent urging of his military to invade, including his refusal to use the U.S. military at the Bay of Pigs in April 1961; his veto of Operation Northwoods, a false flag operation devised by his military to serve as an excuse to invade Cuba; his refusal to invade Cuba during the Cuban Missile Crisis; and his use of his military in the spring of 1963 to combat CIA sponsored attacks on Cuba; his plans for withdrawal from Vietnam prior to his untimely death later in 1963; his refusal to accede to CIA plans to overthrow the leftist government of Indonesia; and his plans for ending the Cold War.

Beyond that, Kennedy also resisted efforts of his military to draw him into a nuclear first strike against the Soviet Union, which undoubtedly would have proved disastrous for both our countries. Americans should know a lot more about this than they do, if for no other reason than for obtaining a better understanding of just how dangerous our Military-Industrial Complex is, and inspiring them to stand less in awe of it, and focus more on resisting it instead.

Douglass discusses these efforts in his book, beginning with the July 21, 1961 National Security Council (NSC) meeting.


July 21, 1961 NSC meeting

James Galbraith, the son of Kennedy’s friend and ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith, discussed the implications of the July 1961 NSC meeting in an article he co-authored, titled “Did the U.S. Military Plan a Nuclear First Strike for 1963? – Recently declassified information shows that the military presented President Kennedy with a plan for a surprise nuclear attack on the Soviet Union in the early 1960s”.

At that meeting, General Hickey, Chairman of the “Net Evaluation Subcommittee”, along with General Lemnitzer, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and CIA Director Allan Dulles, presented a plan for a first strike nuclear attack again the Soviet Union. In response, Kennedy raised a series of questions, including what would be the likely damage to the USSR and how long U.S. citizens would have to remain in fallout shelters following the attack.

Roswell Gilpatric, Kennedy’s Deputy Secretary of Defense, describes how that meeting ended: “Finally Kennedy got up and walked right out in the middle of it, and that was the end of it”. Kennedy also remarked to Secretary of State Dean Rusk, “And we call ourselves the human race.”


Interim between the 1961 and September 1963 NSC meetings

In August, 1961, East Germany began building of the Berlin Wall. In October, Kennedy’s personal representative in Berlin, General Lucius Clay, tried to force a military confrontation over the wall, which eventually resulted in a face off of American and Soviet tanks by October 27th. With both the Soviet and American leaders under intense pressure from their militaries not to back down, Kennedy used back channel negotiations with Khrushchev to secure a compromise agreement (pp 259-60): If Khrushchev would withdraw his tanks, Kennedy would reciprocate a half hour later. Khrushchev agreed, withdrew his tanks, and Kennedy reciprocated as promised (This series of events foreshadowed a similar crisis resolution in the Cuban Missile Crisis about a year later). The intentions of General Clay were shortly revealed in an angry telegram, in which he stated:

Today, we have the nuclear strength to assure victory at awful cost. It no longer suffices to consider our strength as a deterrent only and to plan to use it only in retaliation. No ground probes on the highway which would use force should or could be undertaken unless we are prepared instantly to follow them with a nuclear strike. It is certain that within two or more years retaliatory power will be useless…

Following Kennedy’s successful diplomatic resolution of the Cuban Missile crisis of October 1962, Kennedy told Arthur Schlesinger “The Military are mad. They wanted to do this (meaning an invasion of Cuba, possibly accompanied by a preemptive nuclear strike on the Soviet Union).

One month after that, the Joint Chiefs were pushing again for first-strike nuclear capability, sending a memo to Defense Secretary McNamara stating “The Joint Chiefs consider that a first-strike capability is both feasible and desirable”. McNamara told Kennedy about this, adding that the Air Force was developing specific proposals “based on the objectives of developing a first-strike capability”. He recommended to Kennedy that this “should be rejected as a U.S. policy objective”. More specifically and ominously, McNamara told Kennedy that what was at issue was whether the U.S. military should:

attempt to achieve a capability to start a thermonuclear war in which the resulting damage to ourselves and our Allies could be considered acceptable on some reasonable definition of the term.


September 12, 1963 NSC meeting

At the September 1963 NSC meeting, Kennedy’s military again tried to push him towards a nuclear first-strike capability against the Soviet Union. But this time, rather than stalking out of the meeting, Kennedy engaged his military in order to get a more exact idea of what they were up to. At least Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara was on his side. Here are some of the relevant excerpts from a summary of the meeting (See Summary Record of the 517th Meeting of the NSC):

PRES. KENNEDY: De Gaulle believes even the small nuclear force he is planning will be big enough to cause unacceptable damage to the USSR… Why do we need to have as much defense as we have if, as it appears, the strategy is based on the assumption that even if we strike first we cannot protect the security of the U.S. in nuclear warfare?

GEN JOHNSON: No matter what we do we can't get below 51 million casualties (to the United States) in the event of a nuclear exchange. We can, however, bring down this number by undertaking additional weapons programs.

PRES. KENNEDY: Doesn’t that get us into the overkill business?

GEN. JOHNSON: No, sir. We can cut down U.S. losses if we knock out more Soviet missiles by having more U.S. missiles and more accurate U.S. missiles. The more Soviet missiles we can destroy the less the loss to us…

Each of the strategies (recommended in the report) used against the USSR results in at least 140 million fatalities in the USSR. Our problem is how to catch more of the Soviet missiles before they are launched and how to destroy more of the missiles in the air over the U.S….

SEC. MCNAMARA: There is no way of launching a no-alert attack against the USSR which would be acceptable. No such attack… could be carried out without 30 million U.S. fatalities – an obviously unacceptable number… The President deserves an answer to his question as to why we have to have so large a force….

PRES. KENNEDY: I understand… Preemption is not possible for us. This is a valuable conclusion growing out of an excellent report…

GEN. JOHNSON: I would be very disturbed if the President considered this report indicated that we could reduce our forces and/or not continue to increase those programmed…

I have concluded from the calculations that we could fight a limited war using nuclear weapons without fear that the Soviets would reply by going to all-out war.

PRES. KENNEDY: I have been told that if I ever released a nuclear weapon on the battlefield, I should start a pre-emptive attack on the Soviet Union as the use of nuclear weapons was bound to escalate and we might as well get the advantage by going first…


The situation facing Kennedy in the fall of 1963

Most of President Kennedy’s presidency was spent resisting pressure from his military and CIA to draw him into military confrontations that could easily have escalated into thermonuclear war.

It began very early in his Presidency, when his military and CIA presented him with plans left over from his predecessor’s administration to sponsor a group of Cuban exiles to invade Cuba. Kennedy’s CIA assured him that no direct U.S. military intervention would be required – that in response to the invasion of the Cuban exiles, the Cuban people would rise up and overthrow the Castro government. Kennedy reluctantly went along with the plan, making it clear that there would be no direct U.S. military intervention. The Cuban exiles, with CIA assistance, invaded Cuba on April 15, 1961. The CIA’s predictions or promises did not come to fruition – or more likely they simply lied about them in the first place. The Cuban people did not rise up. The Cuban exiles were quickly defeated and captured or killed. In response, the U.S. military chiefs and CIA strongly urged the President to use his military to rescue the situation. When he refused he earned himself the everlasting hatred of the Cuban exile community and his own military. When he fired his top CIA leaders he earned their hatred as well.

The discussion in this post can be seen in the same light. While not specifically recommending a date for a nuclear first-strike, Kennedy’s military repeatedly pushed for the development of first strike capability for nuclear war, while at the same time repeatedly trying to maneuver the President into military actions that would risk nuclear confrontation. But President Kennedy had learned his lesson from the Bay of Pigs fiasco and never again let his military maneuver him into a similar situation.


The cult of secrecy in the United States

All of this occurred without the knowledge of the American people. The false flag operation, “Operation Northwoods”, though planned by the Joint Chiefs of Staff in 1962 for the purpose of inciting war against Cuba, was classified as “Top Secret”, and it didn’t come to the attention of the American people until approximately four decades later. Even then it received very little attention from our national news media, and consequently, few Americans have heard of it.

Whenever our government wishes to withhold information from the American people, it simply plays the “national security” card. But it is rarely about national security. Rather, the “national security” excuse has been routinely used by our government to avoid embarrassment or criminal liability. Preemptive war is not only a war crime, it has been defined as the worst war crime of all, in that “It is the supreme international crime, differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole”. Yet, whenever our government commits itself to war it plays the “national security” card so that its motives for war cannot be evaluated by its own citizens.

Had President Kennedy allowed his military to dictate policy during the window of time during which they felt that they had the nuclear superiority to conduct a “successful” nuclear war against the Soviet Union, it is very possible that the worst crime in the history of the world would have been perpetrated upon humanity. We’re talking about the deaths of at least 140 million innocent Soviet citizens and 30 million innocent Americans. But it’s a lot worse than it sounds on the surface. Life likely would have been a living hell for many or most of the survivors, with much of our agricultural lands ruined, much of our food, water and air contaminated with nuclear fallout and our economy in shambles. But undoubtedly the perpetrators would have made arrangements for some sort of golden parachute before they went ahead with their scheme.

As citizens of a democracy we should know about these things. One could counter that statement by noting that if a preemptive strike against a foreign nation is made public knowledge, then that would destroy our strategic military advantage. But why should we have to wait several decades to hear about it? And in any event, this would have been an atrocity of the first magnitude and resulted in the deaths of tens of millions of Americans. We the American people have a right to weigh in on such matters.


Lessons for today

The Neoconservative elites of today are the equivalent of the military/CIA cabal in the Kennedy administration that repeatedly tried to maneuver him into war. What if Seymour Hersh hadn’t exposed the Bush/Cheney administration’s plans to start a war with Iran? That exposure angered large portions of the American public, and in so doing may have prevented another catastrophic war. Certainly Bush or Cheney weren’t about to tell us about their plans until they had their ducks lined up and ready to go.

The American people need to know about the policies and actions of their government – past and present. Without such knowledge we lack that ability to assess or have meaningful input into what our government does in our name, and we lack the ability to learn from past mistakes. James Galbraith and Heather Purcell sum up their article with:

In any event, the fact that first-strike planning got as far as it did raises grave questions about the history of the Cold War. Much more needs to be known: about nuclear decision-making… about the events of late 1963, about later technical developments… Surely it is now time to declassify all records on this and related history.

If that recommendation is valid with regard to the events of 1960 – and it is – then it is all the more relevant to later events, and especially to current events of great national and international importance.

The “national security” excuse for withholding crucial information from the American public on the sole decision of the President of the United States is a recipe for tyranny. Furthermore, historically it has cost us far more than it has helped us – resulting in the creation of enemies around the world through the assassination of leaders considered unfriendly to corporate interests, the overthrow of foreign governments, and the invasion of sovereign nations under false pretenses. If not for a multitude of illegal and immoral acts performed by the U.S. government in secrecy or hidden under cover of secret machinations, we would by now have much less need for wasting nearly a trillion dollars annually on military expenditures, having progressed much further towards the goals of the United Nations:

To save succeeding generations from the scourge of war… to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life…

Discuss (77 comments) | Recommend (+29 votes)
U.S. Democracy in Crisis
Time for change


The Democratic Underground was born on one of the worst days in U.S history – The day that the worst President in U.S. history took office.

Now, here we are 8 years later, and we’ve managed to remove that cancer from our nation and replace it with something much better. Notwithstanding my many ambivalent feelings towards President Obama, I have no doubt that he will be infinitely better for our country than his predecessor.

Yet despite that, our country has been terribly scarred from the events of the past eight years, and it continues to suffer from all of the root problems that brought us the worst President in our history in 2000 and 2004. Therefore, it is worth taking a look at the root problems that brought us to this sorry state of affairs.


MAJOR IMPEDIMENTS TO DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES

One thing that we must keep in mind when considering our current problems is that they are not new. They were greatly exacerbated by eight years of Bush administration misrule, but they did not start with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.


Money in politics

All but the most naïve of the American citizenry know that the wealthy and powerful in our country routinely influence our local and national elections through huge campaign contributions. And they also know that they are generally well rewarded for their “contributions”. And they also know that bribery is presumably against the law in our country. Yet, on the rare occasion that our politicians are actually accused of bribery, our news media makes a great big deal over it, as if bribery is actually a rare event in American politics.

The end result is that a great many of our politicians do everything they can to make their wealthiest constituents happy with them, at the expense of everyone else. They do that with the knowledge that the voters they lose in doing so will be more than compensated for by the disinformation that will be paid for by their wealthiest constituents. I discuss this situation in more detail here, here, and here.

There are a few dots to connect here, but any reasonable assessment of American politics tells us that bribery is routinely used to buy and sell elections in our country. So routine is it that it is actually built into our system and legalized. But that fact is never overtly spoken of. To do so would imply that our system of government is as much or more an aristocracy than it is a democracy.

Bill Moyers, in his book “Moyers on Democracy”, explains the situation bluntly:

We have lost the ability to call the most basic transaction by its right name. If a baseball player stepping up to home plate were to lean over and hand the umpire a wad of bills before he called the pitch, we’d call that a bribe. But when a real estate developer buys his way into the White House and gets a favorable government ruling that wouldn’t be available to you or me, what do we call that? A “campaign contribution”.

Let’s call it what it is: a bribe.

The legality of contributing money to political candidates, with the implicit (though not explicit) understanding that that money will buy political favoritism, has been defended by both our courts and our Congress by sanctimoniously pointing to the free speech provisions in the First Amendment to our Constitution and claiming that money is speech. But the absurdity of that contention should be obvious to anyone with some primary school education. Speech is of value from a political standpoint (or any other standpoint) only when it is heard. But if one billionaire has one thousand times as much opportunity to speak through a medium which reaches millions than several thousand other people added together, the speech of that one billionaire will drown out the speech of most other people, thereby interfering with their right to free speech.


Election fraud

Electronic vote switching with DRE (direct-recording electronic) machines poses a great danger to the integrity of our election system – by virtue of its ability to switch a voter’s vote without being noticed by the voter. In other words, someone tries to vote for John Kerry, and the machine registers a vote for George Bush instead. What makes matters worse is that many or most of these machines don’t even produce a piece of paper with the vote on it, which can then later be used for a recount. So, if fraud is suspected there is no recourse. And worse yet is the fact that most of these machines use proprietary (secret) code to determine who the voter voted for.

We know for a fact that vote-switching occurred in the 2004 election. One study, based on voter reports to the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (EIRS), showed that vote switching incidents favored Bush over Kerry by a ratio of 12 to 1 nationally. A similar study showed that these vote switching incidents that favored Bush were 9 times as common in the heavily contested “swing states” than in non-swing states. To make the point that the EIRS reports represent only a small fraction of actual Election Day problems, an investigation by the Washington Post identified about 25 electronic voting machines in Youngstown, Mahoning County, Ohio, that were said to have been switching votes all day long. Yet only eight incidents of this nature from Mahoning County (all in favor of Bush) were reported to EIRS that day.

Clint Curtis, a computer programmer working in Florida prior to the 2004 election, testified before the Democratic staff of the House Judiciary Committee that he was requested in 2000 by his boss (at the request of a high level Republican operative, Tom Feeney) to “develop a prototype of a voting program that could alter the vote tabulation in an election and be undetectable”. Curtis’ testimony was followed by the death of Raymond Lemme, who while investigating Curtis’ allegations was found dead in a Georgia hotel room, just a couple weeks after telling Curtis that he had traced the corruption “all the way to the top”,

Another type of election fraud is the illegal purging of registered voters from the voter rolls. Like vote switching, the increasing computerization of voter registration is no doubt making it much easier to perpetrate this type of fraud on a mass basis.

This article describes a great deal of evidence that voter registration fraud played a major role in the 2004 presidential election, and in fact was probably the deciding factor in Ohio, which gave George Bush his electoral victory. Similarly, although the 2000 presidential election was stolen by a variety of means, voter registration fraud was quantitatively the most important method used. In 2000, the Florida Governor’s office used a computer program to purge tens of thousands of mostly black and Democratic voters.

There are many other means of election fraud that have been used in our country to destabilize our democracy. I discuss this issue in more detail, along with means for preventing election fraud, in this post.


Our corporate news media

If cash donated to their political campaigns is not enough to carry them through to victory, and if election fraud doesn’t happen to play a significant role, the corporate news media serves as another valuable tool for those seeking to sabotage our democracy. This problem overlaps with the role of money in politics, since those who own and control the corporate media are uniformly wealthy, and since it was their money that led to the acts that enabled our corporate media to become what it is today – Ronald Reagan’s veto of Democratic legislation to enforce the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, and the Telecommunications Act of 1996. This legislation allowed the monopoly consolidation of our news media to the point where today it is controlled by a very small number of extremely wealthy individuals.

Several excellent books have been written about the extent to which wealthy corporate interests control our news media today. I would highly recommend “Lapdogs – How the Press rolled Over for Bush”, by Eric Boehlert, “What Liberal Media – The Truth About BIAS and the News”, by Eric Alterman, and “Into the Buzzsaw – The Myth of a Free Press”, edited by Kristina Borjesson. And I have ranted about pseudo-journalists such as Tim Russert, who have made a largely successful, but hypocritical effort to appear unbiased to their viewers.

The bottom line, as Bill Moyers points out, is that the protection offered us by our First Amendment is based on the assumption of a separation of our government and a free press, which is supposed to protect us from government abuses. Moyers wrote this during the Bush administration:

What would happen, however, if the contending giants of big government and big publishing and broadcasting ever joined hands, ever saw eye to eye in putting the public's need for news second to free-market economics? That's exactly what's happening now under the ideological banner of "deregulation". Giant media conglomerates that our founders could not possibly have envisioned are finding common cause with an imperial state in a betrothal certain to produce not the sons and daughters of liberty but the very kind of bastards that issued from the old arranged marriage of church and state.

Consider the situation. Never has there been an administration so disciplined in secrecy, so precisely in lockstep in keeping information from the people at large and -- in defiance of the Constitution -- from their representatives in Congress. Never has the powerful media oligopoly ... been so unabashed in reaching like Caesar for still more wealth and power. Never have hand and glove fitted together so comfortably to manipulate free political debate, sow contempt for the idea of government itself, and trivialize the peoples' need to know.


Secrecy in government

Democracy suffers terribly when a nation’s citizens are uninformed – especially when they are uninformed with respect to the actions and motivations of their own government. If we don’t know what our government is doing, then how can we be expected to vote them out when they do something that we would consider deeply immoral had we known about it?

Consider war for example. If Americans understood the real motivations for its nation’s wars, they would probably be much more likely to strenuously object to those wars. That would make war much less politically feasible, and our country would therefore be led into war much less frequently than it has been in the past.

That is why I so hate the “national security” excuse for withholding information from us, the American people – which has become so routine that it is willingly or passively accepted by the good majority of Americans. I very much doubt that the “national security” excuse for withholding information from the American people has anything to do with national security more than 5% of the time. Rather, the reason for withholding such information from us is almost always something totally different. It is to blind us to the real reasons for war or other nefarious acts, so that we will accept them and willingly support or even risk our lives in their cause.


Rampant U.S. nationalism and the GAME

Two months ago I wrote a DU post that I titled “The GAME”, which I began by discussing “Unmentionable things in U.S. politics” – including such things as the stealing of a U.S. presidential election, calling American military or covert actions immoral rather than merely “misguided”, and imputing bad intentions rather than mere incompetence to a U.S. president.

I find this to be terribly repressive, not because I personally can’t mention these things, but because our elected representatives are under tremendous pressure not to discuss them. We elect them to represent us and our nation, and except for some rare courageous exceptions such as Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, and Robert Wexler, they refuse to even talk about some of our very most important issues.

It has occurred to me that this provides the backdrop for a huge GAME that has been foisted upon us. A prerequisite of the GAME is to create an alternate reality that must be believed by a critical mass of people in order for the GAME to proceed. Why is that necessary? I believe it’s necessary because the reality is so terrible that if enough people consciously recognized it they would rise up and simply refuse to play the GAME.

Although the GAME’s masters set the rules, there are two related character traits of many Americans that cause them to play along: Rampant nationalism and a propensity for denial. Rampant nationalism is the attitude that our country is inherently better than any other country – so much so that it can do no wrong. This attitude is drummed into the American people from the time that most of us learn how to talk. We are made to feel that to believe or speak otherwise demonstrates a dangerous lack of “patriotism”, which makes us deserving of being shunned – or worse.

The other character trait that persuades too many Americans to play the GAME is denial. Believing terrible things about one’s country can be very painful. Accepting reality as it is, rather than as one would like it to be, can be very painful. To make this point, in a recent post titled “12 Things that Never Happened in American History”, I discuss the following official stories that we have been told (or not told):

The U.S. is not an imperialist country; FDR’s New Deal was not instrumental in ending the Great Depression; the Cold War was just about fighting totalitarian Communism; JFK was assassinated by a lone gunman; bribery is infrequent in American politics; Iran-Contra was not a criminal abuse of presidential power; U.S. presidential elections cannot be stolen; Bush and Cheney did everything they could to protect us against the 9/11 attacks; the Bush administration’s crimes are not serious enough to warrant impeachment or prosecution; and, we’re barely told about our nation’s killing of more than a million Iraqi civilians, the October Surprise, or Operation Northwoods.


CONSEQUENCES

These impediments to democracy work together to surrender great amounts of power into the hands of a small number of elites, who use that power in the cause of increasing their wealth and power at the expense of everyone else. It is a vicious cycle that is very difficult to break. Here are some of the major tragic consequences.


Rampant militarism and illegal aggression against sovereign nations

We are so often told how good and pure our nation and its people are that only a minority of Americans are aware of the extent of our many illegal and immoral activities. Many or most who aren’t aware of these activities would be shocked to learn about them and quite resistant to accepting that information as the truth.

In myriad instances we have overthrown or assisted in the overthrow of sovereign nations. In the good majority of these instances we have substituted a repressive right wing government for one that was much more responsive to the needs and desires of the nation’s citizenry. Sometimes genocide was used to accomplish our goals. The purpose of these activities has most often been to create a government that is friendlier to the desires of American businesses or corporations – though we always have some sort of rationalization for our actions.

In “Excuses for War” I discuss many of the phony excuses that the United States government has used to lead us into war, including its Indian wars, the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War, and the Vietnam War.

In “The Roots and Consequences of U.S. Overseas Imperialism” I note or discuss our covert and overt illegal and immoral overthrowing of the sovereign nations of Hawaii (1893), Cuba (1898), Puerto Rico (1898), the Philippines (1899-1902), Nicaragua (1910), Honduras (1911-1912), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), South Vietnam (1963), Chile (1973), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), Afghanistan (2001), and Iraq (2003).

In “The Meaning of U.S. Imperialism, Genocide and Militarism” I note U.S. perpetrated genocides, as described in “State of Darkness” by David Model, including our atomic bombing of Japan (1945), those perpetrated against Guatemala (1954), Vietnam (1954-73), Indonesia (1965), Cambodia (1970-75), Laos (1969-74), and East Timor (1975), and our two wars against Iraq.

Other atrocities include our invasion of Cuba in 1961; U.S. Marine invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 to put down a rebellion against their repressive right wing government; U.S. military support of Haitian tyrant and mass murderer, Francois Duvalier; and numerous brutal interventions in several Latin American and African nations.


Massive Income and wealth inequality

Inequality of wealth in the United States is truly astounding – and it is increasing at a fast rate. In the United States in 2001, 1% of the population controlled 38% of the wealth, whereas the bottom 40% owned just 1%. That means that, on average, individuals in the top 1% owned about 1,500 times more wealth than individuals in the bottom 40%.

The rising level of income inequality in our country recently exceeded the point where it stood just prior to the stock market crash of 1929, which led to the worst depression in U.S. history. There are many who see a connection between the income inequality preceding that depression and our current situation. This graph, which plots income inequality measured as the ratio between the average income of the top 0.01% of U.S. families compared to the bottom 90%, over time, makes that point.

I discuss the subject of income and wealth inequality here, here, and here.


The loss of the rule of law

During the Bush Presidency I often argued that he should be impeached for his many crimes. Now that he can no longer be impeached, I have argued that our Justice Department should prosecute him for those crimes, and if it fails to do so then the International Criminal Court (ICC) should step in.

While Bush was still President, President Obama weighed in against impeachment, saying that impeachment should be reserved for only the most serious crimes. Now that he is President he has thus far given little or no indication that he intends to have his Justice Department prosecute George Bush or any other high level Bush administration official for their crimes. But if widespread torture, an illegal war of aggression, spying on American citizens, suspending of the right of habeas corpus, and numerous other violations of our Constitution don’t constitute serious crimes, then what does?

What would people say if a prosecuting attorney failed to prosecute a rapist and murderer simply because he had high level political connections? Who would accept that? Then why when far more serious crimes are committed by a President of the United States are there so many people who seem to think that it is ok to sit passively by and make no attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes?

I’ll tell you why. It’s like I said earlier in this post. Saying that a former U.S. President might be guilty of prosecutable crimes is simply against the rules of the GAME. Given that and the failure to hold the Reagan administration accountable for its Iran-Contra crimes, George Bush and Dick Cheney connected the dots and thought that they might be able to get away with just about anything. Testing that assumption by moving ahead with prosecutions might be politically risky for the Obama administration. The Republican Party would no doubt raise holy hell if there was an attempt to prosecute high level Bush administration officials.

Consequently, we live in country in which, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding, certain people are indeed above the law. That fact, taken together with all of the impediments to democracy discussed in the first part of this post, means that democracy and the rule of law in our country are in grave danger. Indeed, some believe that we narrowly averted a military coup perpetrated by the Bush administration.

The American people and their leaders need to reassess what our country stands for. Is our democracy important enough to take steps to remove the role of money in politics, reform our election system, break up the corporate monopoly on our news media, require government actions to be much more transparent than they now are, and dare to look more objectively at who we are and what we do? Can we give up imperialism and warfare for the sake a world in which nations live and work together to further the cause of peace and justice? Can we make our nation one in which all of its citizens truly have the opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? And do our laws apply to all people, not just to those who lack the political influence to avoid them?

If we think that these things are important we have a great deal of work to do, lest our country sinks into a tyranny from which it may never recover.
Profile Information
Time for change
Click to send private message to this author Click to view this author's profile Click to add this author to your buddy list Click to add this author to your ignore list
DU Donor DU Donor
11190 posts
Member since Thu Dec 2nd 2004
Silver Spring, MD, US
Male
Visitor Tools
Use the tools below to keep track of updates to this Journal.
The Usual Suspects
My Forums
Democratic Underground forums and groups from my "My Forums" list.
Random Journal
Random Journal
 
Home  |  Discussion Forums  |  Journals  |  Campaigns  |  Links  |  Store  |  Donate
About DU  |  Contact Us  |  Privacy Policy
Got a message for Democratic Underground? Click here to send us a message.